This blog is full of necessary bits needed by and of interest to planners. Contact me - brendan@buckplanning.ie - if you want to publish anything relevant to planning or if you need a planning consultant call 0404-66060 or 087-2615871
Thursday, 28 December 2006
Ikea comes to Ireland
IKEA is definitely coming to Ireland.
Planning permission's been granted for the Swedish lifestyle store's first outlet, in Belfast.
It looks like Belfast has beaten Dublin to it for Ireland's first branch of IKEA, the store for style conscious homeowners.
While a planning application is still pending for an outlet in Ballymun, the British government's granted approval for a store at Holywood Exchange in County Down, on the shores of Belfast Lough.
At 29,000 square metres it'll be one of the biggest retail warehouses in the North and will lead to the creation of five hundred jobs.
Northern Secretary Peter Hain's hailed IKEA's coming as great news with construction starting next month for a grand opening next November.
Plans for a slightly smaller store at Ballymun in north Dublin have yet to receive planning consent, creating the prospect of a cross-border pilgrimage by IKEA worshippers everywhere.
URBAN SPRAWL, ONE-OFF HOUSING AND PLANNING POLICY: PLANNING POLICY: MORE TO DO, BUT HOW?
Introduction
This article looks at the failure of land-use policy in Ireland. Mindful of writing about an area of legal failure, the emphasis is on legal reform (rather than the minutiae of existing planning regulations). The analysis spans four inter-related topics: first, the cost of housing sprawl; second, the cost of failing to distinguish development land from agricultural land; third, incentives for sprawl inherent in Irish tax legislation; and fourth, legal measures which would release “locked land” in existing urban centres providing for sustainable new development. It is assumed that constitutional arguments against the imposition of planning restrictions are largely redundant. The pre-eminence of the common good has been emphasised in a series of cases, culminating perhaps in In re Article 26 and Part V of the Planning and Development Bill, 1999. The analysis opens by outlining the link between urban sprawl and one-off housing and then moves to examine the broader legal and political context.
The Relationship between Urban Sprawl and One-off Housing
A four-part RTÉ series broadcast in May 2002, The Changing Face of Dublin, hinted that Ireland’s commitment to sustainable development could be measured, first and foremost, by examining its housing and land use policies. The documentary found that the footprint of Dublin is twice to three times that of some European cities with similar-sized populations. Were current trends to persist until 2010 Dublin will consume as much land as Los Angeles with only a quarter of the population (1.75m). In Paris about 23,000 people live in each square kilometre. Dublin’s urban density is estimated at 4,000 people per square km. Urban densities in Cork, Limerick, Galway and Waterford are lower again than Dublin. The construction of one-off housing in the countryside (for people working in urban areas) is the most graphic manifestation of urban sprawl. In a country with a growing proportion of low-density accommodation the prevalence of one-off housing suggests a wholesale system failure.
The legal and political context
Land-use in Ireland is largely governed by local authority development plans. But with 88 local authorities there is little or no uniformity of policy. The matter is further complicated by the fact that an identical policy can be applied by local authorities in different ways. The formulation of Strategic Planning Guidelines (SPGs) for the Greater Dublin Area saw some attempt to introduce a joint planning framework for counties Dublin, Meath, Kildare and Wicklow. Whether the SPGs were ever incorporated into law in any real sense and have anything more than an aspirational bent will be decided in a case currently before the Courts. Whatever their precise legal character, the failure of the SPGs has been highlighted by preliminary data taken from Census 2002. It indicates that growth is being experienced in precisely the places the SPGs sought to curb development.
Speaking at the Ballygowan/Young Environmentalists Awards in May 2002 the Taoiseach, Mr. Bertie Ahern T.D., stated that sustainable development was fundamental to his political vision. Two weeks before this statement Mr. Ahern appeared on RTÉ’s Leaders Debate with Mr. Michael Noonan T.D. Advocating reduced political involvement in the planning process, Mr. Noonan suggested that a High Court judge should be required to “sign off” on rezoning applications for land in counties Meath, Kildare and Wicklow. Rezoned land across these counties was “needed for housing” according to Mr. Noonan. This sentiment was immediately echoed by the Taoiseach (“yes, it’s needed for housing …”). Despite a commitment to sustainable development, the leaders of the main political parties envisaged the spread of Dublin further west. Both politicians therefore saw a “need” to rezone. In other words there exists a “soft policy” commitment to sustainable development and the theory of sustainable development has found its way into pre-scripted speeches. But in practice many leading politicians have yet to bring sustainability to bear on their day-to-day thinking.
The Costs of Housing Sprawl
The link between housing, transport and sustainability
A recent study has found that Irish parents spend longer in traffic than their European counterparts. The study also found that the most important factors in domestic happiness are the length of parents’ commuting time and working hours. The finding that Irish people spend an inordinate amount of time behind the wheel is echoed by a number of other statistics. The number of kilometres travelled by the Irish car per year is twice the EU average. The Irish figure is 30% higher than the US average and appears to be the highest in the world. In an international comparison of urban journey times (based on the delivery of a 5kg package over 5km) Dublin fared worst in Europe and was ranked second last in the world.
Sustainable development, conventionally defined, demands that a balance must be struck between the resources used by this generation and those placed in reserve for the next. In an Irish context, however, sustainable development seems to have gained a more grounded meaning. It is usually employed in support of the view that car-focused development is no longer a sound long-term model. This questioning of “car culture” comes at a time when congestion is beginning to hurt Ireland economically as well as well as socially. Congestion, by slowing down the delivery of goods and services, increases their cost.
Until the gremlin of congestion manifested itself there was little recognition of the “the human ecosystem” – the linkages in our own way of life – in Ireland. Now, it is increasingly realised that the development of areas distant from the urban core increases travel times, reduces leisure time and inter-personal contact.
A review of the debate on one-off housing in Ireland
Separated from villages and towns, one-off housing has come to describe development which is unconnected to any existing urban centre or scheme of development. Just under 40% of new housing in Ireland is one-off. However, opposition to one-off housing is focused on urban-generated dwellings, i.e. people who build in the countryside and commute to towns and cities. Michael Smith, Chairman of An Taisce, and Ian Lumley, An Taisce’s Heritage Officer, have been the most vocal opponents of such development. In an article in The Irish Times Michael Smith summarised the reasons for An Taisce’s stance on one-off housing. An Taisce’s opposition is premised on the social, economic and environmental consequences of one-off housing, not “concerns of taste”. Smith grouped four points under the heading “social”. Pointing to the fact that one-off dwellings are not easily served by public transport, it was argued that increased traffic from dispersed housing was “inevitable”. Second, reference was made to US literature which suggests that every extra ten minutes spent commuting carries with it a ten per cent reduction in social interaction. The knock-on effect, he argued, was less time spent with children and friends. Third, one-off housing created a “demographic time bomb”. Smith urged the reader to look 30 years ahead: “as people grow old, and sometimes too infirm to use cars, it is crucial that they should not be far from local services.” Fourth, Smith argued that one-off housing offered no solution to the housing crisis because it is an option confined to those “lucky enough to own sites”.
Under the heading “economic” Smith focused on the economies of scale which accompany consolidated residential development: “one-off houses are more expensive to serve with postal services, roads etc.” However, it was acknowledged that these higher costs are borne not by the developer, or the house purchaser, but by Irish society as a whole. In fact, due to the high cost of land in villages, the initial cost (i.e. combined site purchase and construction) of a one-off house is usually cheaper. An Taisce would counteract the high cost of land in villages “through provision of incentives (and compulsory purchase orders) for development in villages”. It was further argued that one-off housing is economically damaging because “housing insensitive to landscapes is beginning to undermine our tourist industry”. With regard to the environment, An Taisce noted one expert who found septic tanks to be “one of the main sources of bacteriological pollution of private wells”.
An Taisce’s analysis is broadly echoed by the EPA’s 2002 report:
Inappropriate single house dwellings in the rural countryside results in greater car usage, increased energy needs and greater use of small wastewater treatment plants such as septic tanks which have the potential to pollute groundwater.
The most vocal proponents of one-off housing have been Mr. Eamon O’Cuiv T.D., Minister for Community, Rural, and Gaeltacht Affairs, Dr. Seamus Caulfield of the Belderrig Research Centre and Jim Connolly, Chairman of Rural Resettlement Ireland.
Minister O’Cuiv articulated his stance on one-off housing in a debate with Michael Smith on the Late Late Show on 9 November 2001. The Minister’s primary argument can be described as “the house at the end of the valley point”. It posits the following: where utility lines, pipelines and post are already delivered to a house at the end of a valley, then there can be no argument against ribbon development on the road leading to that house. It must be said that this argument has an initial attractiveness to it. To some extent, however, it overlooks the fact that the “house at the end of the valley” is usually served at shoestring capacity. In other words a whole new infrastructure would be required to accommodate the addition of three or four houses on the road going into the valley.
Even where the services leading to the house at the end of the valley have untapped capacity, the previously expressed criticisms of urban-focused one-off housing are not displaced. The postal company still has to serve an additional three or four houses using a van or car. Household wastes are more expensive to collect or treat, and so on. Finally, the house at the end of the road into the valley is likely to be connected with a farming or forestry concern. It generates comparatively few traffic movements as compared with commuter-focused housing.
Dr. Seamus Caulfield takes inspiration from the Gaelic monikers for different forms of settlement. According to Dr. Caulfield, there is a direct Irish translation for street village (sráidbhaile), nucleated village (clachan) and dispersed village (baile fearann). Dr. Caulfield feels that the dispersed village offers a sound blueprint for future habitation patterns.
One linguistic difficulty with Dr. Caulfield’s analysis is that he fails to acknowledge that the Irish for townland is also “baile”. Hence, baile fearann could just as well refer to dispersed houses in a townland, or houses sprawled across a townland. Indeed sprawl is typically defined in terms of dispersed habitation patterns.
The root of Dr. Caulfield’s analysis is the view that Ireland should maintain relatively high levels of population in isolated rural areas. Dr. Caulfield has compared present-day census figures with famine-time statistics to show population decline in rural areas. Yet to regard the population spread of 1830’s Ireland as a sound blueprint for today may overlook many differences in lifestyle. Modern houses cannot be compared to the typical 19th century dwelling. Because of the strength and depth of modern foundations, land used for new housing can never be returned to agriculture. Running water was not a feature of the pre-famine house. With the advent of dishwashers and more demanding wash-cycle requirements for clothing, the “solution” advanced for waste water from one-off houses – the septic tank – has been found wanting.
For most people, whether in urban or rural Ireland, a trip to the cinema, take-away, dry cleaners, video shop, or sports-hall is a regular occurrence. There is simply no parallel with pre-famine Ireland. Do the proponents of one-off housing propose to suppress demand for delivered pizzas, high street shopping, festive events and third-level education? Is it defensible to advocate a vision of housing that leaves people isolated from the leisure and health/exercise facilities that are wound into the fabric of modern life?
When questioned on the issue of one-off housing in May 2002 Eamon O’Cuiv no longer grappled with the substance of the argument. Instead, he noted that farmers had become “used to selling sites”. Arguably, this represents a significant shift in position. The opponents of one-off housing no longer have to tackle an opposing argument, but rather the need for innovation in agricultural and the lack of viable exit strategies from farming. The analysis below – “the cost of failing to distinguish agricultural land from development land” – impacts on the re-invigoration of agricultural policy.
As awareness of the inadvisability of one-off housing increases, Rural Resettlement Ireland, chaired by Jim Connolly, has found its raison d’etre under threat. Planning applications by a number of its members have recently been turned down.
Support for rural resettlement was at its height at a time when the measurement of environmental indicators was in its infancy. Key linkages between planning and development policy had yet to be made. Of the new links traced in the 1998-2002 period, this writer would emphasise the following three. It was realised, first, that dynamic urban centres are needed in the west of Ireland to unlock its potential; second, that one-off housing across the west diffuses civic energy; and third, that dispersed housing patterns lock householders into a high-cost living cycle.
Knowing that resettlement in remote areas exacerbates regional problems rather than contributing to the solution, central government seems to have left the movement in limbo. Indeed, the way in which the rural resettlement movement has been treated by government is difficult to excuse. The Department of the Environment, having recognised the problem of one-off housing, produced no bill to re-direct growth to urban centres.
The lacunae left by the inaction of central government has seen the insertion or strengthening of “locals only” provisions in many county development plans. Essentially, councillors opt to ban one-off housing but exempt their own electorate from that ban. Rural Resettlement Ireland has a right to feel aggrieved by development plan provisions that foreclose the grant of planning permission to “non-locals”. Indeed, the favour shown to “locals” closely mirrors the type of discrimination roundly condemned by the Supreme Court in the Blasket Island case. Such provisions also have a somewhat ambiguous relationship with EU provisions designed to combat discrimination on the freedom to move and establish oneself in another member state. A more comprehensive solution – consistent across local authorities – is long overdue.
The Cost of Failing to Distinguish Development Land from Agricultural Land
Those opposed to one-off housing tend to focus on its economic implications for its occupants and the long-term burden on the exchequer. But, placed in a national context, there are undoubtedly broader economic issues at stake. What, for example, is the impact of sustained site sales on Irish agricultural production? Below, seven advertisements intended to cultivate interest in agricultural land are extracted:
Ballybrophy, Co. Laois
48 Acre Non-Residential Farm situated in the heart of the midlands … located within easy reach of the proposed M7 by-pass.
Ballycarney, Ferns, Co. Wexford
Sale of outstanding c.93 Acre Residential Holding with extensive Road Frontage onto a number of different roads.
Ballycumber, Co. Offaly
C. 32 Acres … just outside the 30 mile speed and is in one division and has building potential.
Clooneyquinn, Co. Roscommon
C. 7 acres – adjoins the main Elphin/Tulsk road near Clooneyquinn … also adjoins a bye road … good site potential.
Mountrath, Co. Laois
42.5 acres - Situated on the main Dublin/Limerick road, 5 miles from Mountrath, 13 miles from Portloaise and 10 miles from Roscrea.
Killare, Co. Westmeath
C. 109 acres – 13 miles from Mullingar on the main Athlone Road, 1 mile [from] Killare, good road frontage.
Killorglin, Co. Kerry
C. 100 acres plus commonage. The property contains a cottage and outoffices and has extensive road frontage.
This is a sample, not a comprehensive survey, of the way modern agricultural land is sold. Yet, even with a small sample, it is obvious that access to the primary road network and road frontage are primary concerns of vendors of agricultural land. But these characteristics are not relevant to farming. Dairies send milk transporters to collect produce from suppliers. Tillage crops are delivered once or twice a year. In livestock farming the long-distance transport of animals takes place infrequently. Weighted against soil quality or field attributes proximity to a national road is a miniscule factor. Road frontage is even less relevant to agri-business. It goes exclusively to “site potential”.
Because non-agricultural selling points have acquired an undue prominence, farmers are bidding against those willing to pay a considerable amount of “hope value” for development. This high level of hope value is directly attributable to Ireland’s malleable planning regime. As the planning regime continues to place a financial penalty on farmers who acquire land, Irish agricultural commodities will increasingly reflect the inflated cost of land. The transfer of agricultural property on the premise that virtually everywhere has “development potential” is a recipe for the frustration and stagnation of Irish agriculture. But how fair is it to attribute the upward pressure on the price of land to the surburbanistion of rural Ireland? Could land prices be increasing for other reasons?
Between 1997 and 2002 the price of Irish agricultural land rose by 142%. Can the increase in the price of land be justified by a drop in input costs? In a word, no. This author was unable to find any input cost which showed a reduction in the 1997-2002 period. The price of agricultural commodities on the other hand has typically remained static once inflation is factored into the equation. For those commodities that do show an increase the level is too slight to make a difference beyond the margins.
If the outlook for young farmers is depressing, the negative impact on the national finances must also be considered. As the increased cost of land feeds into agricultural commodities the contribution of agriculture to GNP will come under strain. Agricultural remains the third largest unsegregated employment category in GNP terms, behind pharmaceuticals and computers respectively.
The sale of sites is sometimes presented as having benign effects on farming. In reality, nothing could be further from the truth: site sales will shackle Irish agriculture over the medium and long term. Allied to this failure to consider agri-economics is a somewhat cavalier relationship between taxation and sustainable housing patterns.
Taxation Measures that Act to Encourage One-off Housing
Disposal of a site to a child – section 603A of the 1997 Act
Section 93 of the Finance Act, 2001 introduced a new relief for capital gains tax with the insertion of section 603A into the Taxes Consolidation Act, 1997. Section 603A exempts a parent from capital gains where s/he transfers a site to a child which is valued at not more that €254,000. If the child subsequently disposes of the land – other than to his/her spouse – and the land does not contain a dwelling house which has been occupied by the child for a period of 3 years, then the taxable gain which would have arisen to the parent arises to the child. Where a child falls under this claw-back provision – and pays the relevant capital gains tax – then a second transfer of a site can be made under section 603A.
It was arguably the intention of the drafters that a section 603A transfer could be made on just one occasion (by either or both parents) save where a claw-back occurs. If this is the case then it is a lacuna that allows both parents to transfer sites simultaneously to one child, i.e. a child can receive €508,000 worth of property without his/her parents incurring capital gains tax. The loophole has been noted by Appleby and Carr: “the wording of section 603A does not appear to prevent relief applying where there is a simultaneous disposal by two parents to a child.”
Section 603A is problematic in other respects. “Site” is not defined so there is no ground area restriction to limit how much land may be transferred. Given the tax-efficiency of section 603A, parents may increase the amount of land transferred to the (unrealised) limit of €508,000. In this way, section 603A allows sons and daughters to sell on further sites (albeit incurring capital gains tax in the normal way) and proliferate one-off housing on a scale that the drafters of section 603A could not have anticipated.
Usually tax legislation has a principled focus. For example, the provisions which facilitate the transfer of a private company or farm to a “favoured niece or nephew” serve to maintain and reward existing employees. But section 603A has no such focus. It seems posited on the view that just because a parent happens to have land they should be able to transfer some or all of that property to their children free from tax. This is hardly a sound basis for granting tax relief.
Instead of minimising the financial burden on the individual and the exchequer, section 603A gives a financial incentive to a person to increase their living costs. In practice these costs are borne by all of society through the payment of utility bills, taxes, service charges and so on. The continued existence of the provision suggests that, in spite of all the policy pledges, the State has yet to find an inter-departmental understanding of sustainability.
Disposal of farm lands on retirement – section 598 of the 1997 Act
Under section 598 of the Taxes Consolidation Act, 1997, as amended, “where an individual who has attained the age of 55 years disposes of the whole or part of his or her [farm]” and
the amount or value of the consideration for the disposal does not exceed €426,250, relief shall be given in respect of the full amount of capital gains tax chargeable on any gain accruing on the disposal.
The above provision only applies where the land has been farmed for the previous 10 years by the disposing party. Beyond this restriction however, section 598 is poorly attuned to the ambition of maintaining agricultural land within the agricultural land market. First, there is little justification for farmers paying no tax whatsoever on transfers of almost half a million euro. It is only reasonable, given low agricultural incomes, that the income tax take across the sector is moderate. But the same logic does not apply to the sale of core assets to non-industry buyers. That retiring farmers pay no tax on land sales of up to €475,250 comes as a surprise to many farmers.
Because the distinction between development land and agricultural land does not actually work in Ireland, there is little merit in trying to incorporate the concept into a revamped section 598. Instead, the use of covenants might be examined. Here, the vendor’s tax bill would be calculated on the basis of the length of the covenant he or she has secured to maintain the land under agricultural use. To leave the current regime unchanged is to allow the unfocused nature of section 598 to negate a plethora of policy pledges to release agricultural land to young farmers.
By going out into the countryside to build new homes and business parks, developers are taking what is for them the easiest option. But if Ireland is to seek to preserve some distinction between urban and rural then development within existing urban footprints must be stimulated and facilitated. To date the only means to foster urban regeneration has been the use of an Integrated Area Plan (IAP). While welcome, the IAP can never have more than a localised impact: it fails to provide a broad based vehicle to buttress redevelopment in urban centres.
Measures to Release Locked Land in Existing Urban Centres
The choice between taxing breaks and zoning
Perhaps the simplest way to foster urban consolidation would be to alter capital taxes to favour land in (and directly adjacent to) cities and towns. However, a number of difficulties would arise. First, if the measure was successful then the net result would reduce exchequer returns. In the current fiscal climate this scheme may not lend itself to acceptance. Second, the issue of having a number of different tax tiers would arise. Arguably, a strong case could be made for having a lower capital tax rate in an urban centre with a third-level institution. However, attaching different tax bands to urban centres (largely on the basis of population size) might prove controversial.
The alternative is to zone all rural areas free from one-off housing. This places the emphasis back on urban areas – i.e. how far should they extend? A radius of development would need to be drawn for every large urban centre. For villages a standard cut-off point might apply – 500m from the defined village centre for example. An Taisce argue for the development of villages “even where population falls below the 1,500 threshold envisaged in the Planning and Development Act, 2000”. It is not difficult to concur that a 1,500 population threshold is too demanding a requirement. And yet, for the same reasons against one-off housing, the definition of a village must contemplate some critical mass. Arguably, a primary school should be a mandatory requirement, complemented perhaps by four facilities from a list of eight: a shop, resident GP, place of worship, pub, civic centre, sports centre, long-established sports club.
Any introduction of a definition for “village” together with the limitation on one-off housing would need to be tempered by making exception for houses in the countryside used to exploit rural resources. However, it makes sense to tie this exemption to expected earnings. Otherwise, the spirit of the exemption may be contravened by attempts to build one-off houses on “hobby farms”. The introduction of a “variable rates regime” may help prevent injustice while balancing the needs of part-time and full-time farming. The “variable rates regime” would require an applicant for a one-off house to present a business plan to the planning authority showing expected earnings from land-based activity. Where the amount from land-based activity exceeds 40% of the average industrial wage (for a single person) then no rates are payable. If projected land-based income falls between 40 and 20% then the applicant would be liable for half rates. Where income from land-based activity falls between 20 and 10%, the maximum rate would apply. Below 10% the development would not qualify as land-based activity, and consequently, the applicant would be refused planning permission.
The above analysis suggests that the best approach involves a combination of zoning, rate-charging and tax reform. Such an approach might be complemented by a number of new policy initiatives, outlined below.
New Policy Initiatives
Greenfield loading
Under section 48 of the Planning and Development Act, 2000, a planning authority is empowered to demand a financial contribution from a planning applicant to improve infrastructure. In order to focus developers’ interest on the existing urban footprint, local authorities could increase the level of contributions for greenfield sites significantly above the actual cost of servicing the development. The infrastructural levy would be reduced for re-development projects (e.g. the replacement of one-storey houses with five-storey townhouses). This policy position would remain intact even where the authority was faced with high infrastructural costs for a re-developed site. In other words the contribution is no longer linked to the real cost of new infrastructure. Such a policy is dictated by the knowledge that high quality development proximate to the urban centre will reduce the local authority’s total costs over the long term. To be effective “greenfield loading” would have to be evenly applied by all planning authorities.
Laying out new streets
At present towns are developing outwards along arterial routes (on each side of the Tulla, Kilrush, and Galway roads taking Ennis as an example). As development stretches further and further away from the urban centre car dependence increases. The alternative is to fill out a grid road pattern from the centre of the town outwards. This strategy can unlock lands close to town centres (within walking distance of the train station in the example of Ennis). Importantly, the creation of new streetscapes has the potential to be self-financing. Each project will require one or more working sites (for the storage of equipment, dumping of aggregates, etc.). Because these working sites will be adjacent to a new street this land can later be sold and the proceeds used to finance the cost of the new streetscape. Grid-shaped formation is advised as it has been shown to be the most efficient road layout.
Rail-served towns
The above argument works best in towns with railway infrastructure. Residents living close to a station are more likely to take the train for inter-regional journeys. A caveat, however, must be entered with regard to rail-served towns: in creating new streetscapes the road building authority should act in reliance on projected new employment within the town itself. Long-distance daily rail commuting (e.g. Templemore to Dublin, Gorey to Dublin, etc.) may need to be analysed afresh. The effective provision of long distance commuter services (sometimes by default) occurred at a time when the concept of satellite towns remained current. However, in other countries, the promotion of satellite towns has been quietly shelved in favour of the “network city” – an area where work, accommodation and recreation are sometimes interspersed, but always linked, with each other.
This analysis suggests that “outer Dublin” should receive no support from public transport authorities or central government. Instead, the consolidation of existing “edge cities” is the optimum choice from a public transport perspective. Edge cities complemented by clusters of higher density developments will become stronger endpoints for present day bus services. (Edge cities include Swords, Blanchardstown, Clondalkin, Tallaght/Citywest, Sandyford, Bray/Greystones in Dublin; Rochestown and Mahon in Cork; Dooradoyle/Raheen and UL in Limerick.) Without a strong endpoint the extension or expansion of rail services in the future cannot be justified.
Road serving rail
The current major road-building initiative in Ireland aims to build a five-branch radial motorway network converging on an already bottlenecked M50. The project is currently on hold for financial reasons. It is difficult to reconcile the ambition to have fewer cars driving into Dublin with the ambition to build five motorways converging on Dublin. Research suggests that passengers who use rail between urban centres are more likely to use public transport at the point of arrival (e.g. Dundalk to Connolly Station followed by Connolly Station to Grand Canal Dock). The other side of this coin is that increased car use between cities inevitably leads to greater car use in cities.
It is also somewhat difficult to reconcile an ambition to have five motorways connected by the M50 with the ambition to site new industry in areas other than the M50 belt. Arguably, road design expertise might be better devoted to releasing locked land in urban centres. As noted above this strategy has financial as well as environmental attractions.
Conclusion
Housing and the servicing of housing is sometimes presented as a chicken and egg situation. It is not. The cycle of poorly served housing can only be broken by the more intensive use of land within urban centres. An attachment to famine-based housing patterns is understandable. However, after one hundred and fifty years of changing lifestyle patterns, famine-oriented housing patterns are now a recipe for poor air quality, time poverty, and high living costs. More generally, it is vital to move away from policies of rural development that have the net effect of compromising the price-competitiveness of Irish agriculture. Beyond agriculture policy, elements of tax legislation are badly in need of reform. A more purposive nationally-based planning regime offers a good primary structure to attract development to urban centres. Finally, it is necessary to align infrastructural spending with a long-term vision of land use and transport. There is little point in employing the language of sustainability if the net result of governmental action is to clog roads with urban-focused development that is ever more distant from its target centre.
What Would a Non-Sexist City Be Like?
Planning law books
Henry Comerford & Aengus R.M. Fogarty, Environmental Law: A Glossary and Handbook (Round Hall, Dublin, 2000)
Henry Comerford, Wildlife Legislation 1976-2000 (Round Hall, Dublin, 2001)
John Crean, Do You Require Planning Permission? An Illustrated Guide, 2nd ed. (Round Hall, Dublin, 2002)
J.A. Dowling, Northern Ireland Planning Law (Gill and Macmillan, Dublin, 1995)
H.M. Fitzpatrick, Trees and the Law (Law Society of Ireland, 1985)
Eamon Galligan, Irish Planning Law and Procedure (Round Hall Sweet & Maxwell, 1997) (2nd ed. due 2002)
Ronan Keane, Law of Local Government in the Republic of Ireland (Law Society of Ireland, 1982)
Barbara Maguire, Michael O'Reilly & Michael S. Roche, Irish Environmental Legislation (Round Hall, Dublin, 1999)
Michael O'Donnell, Planning Law (Annotated Irish Statutes Series, Butterworths, Dublin, 1999)
Donal Ó Laoghaire, Inland Waters: Environmental Legislation (Butterworths, 1995)
Donal Ó Laoghaire, Waste Management Legislation (Round Hall, Dublin, 2001)
Philip O'Sullivan & Katharine Shepherd, Irish Planning Law and Practice (Butterworths, 1991 with updates to 2001) (2 volumes looseleaf)
Yvonne Scannell, Environmental and Planning Law in Ireland (Round Hall Press, 1995) [2nd ed. 2006]
Garrett Simons, Planning and Development Law (Thomson Round Hall, Dublin, 2003)
Sharon Turner & Karen Morrow, Northern Ireland Environmental Law (Gill & Macmillan, Dublin, 1997)
Developing Tsunami-Resilient Communities: The National Tsunami Hazard Mitigation Program
Tsunamis remain an ever-present threat to lives and property along the coasts of most of the world’s oceans. Because of the geographical extent of U.S. coastlines, an earthquake in Alaska can generate a local tsunami for Alaskans and, hours later, a distant tsunami for communities in Hawaii and along the Pacific Coast . This volume chronicles the development and accomplishments of a joint State/Federal partnership that was forged to reduce tsunami hazards along U.S. coastlines – the National Tsunami Hazard Mitigation Program. By integrating hazard assessment, warning guidance, and mitigation activities, the program has created a roadmap and a set of tools to develop communities more resilient to local and distant tsunamis. Among the set of tools are tsunami forecasting, educational experiments, early alerting systems, and design guidance for tsunami-resilient communities. Part of this book has already been published in a recent journal issue.
Planners will be especially interested in the Mitigation section.
Wednesday, 27 December 2006
The Irish Planning Law Factbook
The Irish Planning Law Factbook covers the following topics in an easily accessible manner:
* Who Controls Development?
* Planning Policies
* Is Permission Required?
* The Planning Application
* The Planning Decision
* Appeals
* Conservation
* Infrastructure
* Pollution Control
* Enforcement
* CPO and Compensation
Who should read the Irish Planning Law Factbook?
* Planning Officials
* Architects
* Town Planners
* Engineers
* Auctioneers
* Solicitors
* Barristers
* Property Developers
* Students and others interested in planning law issues
Editors/Contributors
Berna Grist B.L. LRTPI, MIPI is a member of An Bord Pleanála. She is a barrister and town planner and is currently on leave of absence from UCD, where she was a lecturer in planning law in the Department of Regional and Urban Planning.
James Macken S.C., F C I. Arb. a Senior Counsel specialising in Planning and Environmental Law. He is the author of a number of articles on the subject published in The Bar Review, The Irish Planning and Environmental Law Journal, and Pleanail, the Journal of the Irish Planning Institute.
Other Contributors
Colin McGill B.A. (hons), M.Sc., MRTPI is a chartered town planner with over 20 years experience of the Irish planning system in various local authorities and An Bord Pleanala. He is currently in private practice and is a director of HKR McGill Town Planners.
Jim Brogan, B.A., Dip. T.P., M.I.P.I., Dip. L.S., Dip. Arb., F.C.I.Arb., B.L. is a qualified town planner and a Barrister-at-Law. (Kings Inns). He works as a Planning and Development Consultant and is a guest lecturer at D.I.T. He is a member of the Council of Irish Planning Institute and the Irish Environmental Law Association and is a Fellow of the Chartered Institute of Arbitrators.
Hugh Mannion BA, HDE, MRUP taught Economics with the City of Dublin Vocational Educational Committee and was a Senior Executive officer with An Bord Pleanála until September 2001. He is currently a planner with Offaly County Council.
Rachel Kenny, BE(Civil), MRUP, MIPI works as a Planning Inspector with An Bord
Pleanála, having recently moved from the local authority sector. She is currently president of the Irish Planning Institute.
Tom Flynn BA LL.B M.Sc Dip.Env.Mgt BL is a practising Barrister on the Dublin and Midland Circuits. He is assistant editor of the Irish Planning and Environmental Law Journal and has written widely on the topics of planning and environmental law. He lectures in planning law in the Department of Regional and Urban Planning, University College, Dublin.
See: http://www.regulateireland.ie/pub/planning.htm
PUBLIC ART & TOWN PLANNING CD-ROM
The project focuses on 12 specific locations in Longford town. Issues such as architecture, history, function, and future potential are discussed.
The CD-ROM incorporates text, photographs, and audio to present the viewpoints of both the artist and the planner in an interesting, entertaining, and informative manner.
Produced for the Arts Office of Longford County Council, with funding by the Arts Council of Ireland, the goal of the project is to increase awareness of Irish people in their surroundings, the potential in their areas, public art, and town planning issues.
The CD-ROM was distributed to planners, architects, schools, colleges, environmental groups etc around Ireland.
It is available at http://www.createinteractive.com/portfolio/planning.php
Town Planning
Educational and Other Requirements
Town planning for many years was different from many third level courses in that it is only available as a fourth level course! In other words, town planning courses were only available at postgraduate level. But DIT has changed this as it now also runs a full time undergradate course, a BSc in Planning and Environmental Management.
These courses are regulated by the Irish Planning Institute (IPI), founded in 1975. The Institute, and the equivalent UK institute, the Royal Town Planning Institute (RTPI) recognise only one professional school, the Department of Regional and Urban Planning in the Faculty of Engineering and Architecture at UCD.
The key course run for professional planners is the Masters of Regional and Urban Planning, a full time postgraduate programme extending over two years, with a dissertation in year two. This Masters is normally open to graduates of Architecture and Civil Engineering, though other disciplines are considered. So anyone considering this as a career would be wise to undertake an undergraduate degree in either of these disciplines.
Examples of Courses
As noted above, UCD's Faculty of Engineering and Architecture offers a fourth level course in town planning: http://www.ucd.ie/~regurbpl/
One can also take the professional exams of two relevant institutes (graduates in the Master of Regional and Urban Planning are exempt): the Irish Planning Institute and the Royal Town Planning Institute (the web addresses are http://www.irishplanninginstitute.ie and http://www.rtpi.org.uk)
There are also two full-time postgraduate courses in the DIT's Faculty of The Built Environment: A Masters in Sustainable Development (FT118) and a Masters in Regional and Local Development (FT119).
DIT offers two part time courses, B707, MSc in Planning and Development, and B714, MSc in Spatial Planning. The first of these courses has been recognised by the Society of Chartered Surveyors/Royal Institute of Chartered Surveyors as fulfilling the academic requirements for membership of the planning and development division of Society and Institution. The second course, in Spatial Planning, is seeking accreditation from the Irish Planning Institute, the Royal Town Planning Institute as well as the Planning and Development Division of The Society of Chartered Surveyors.
Careers in Planning
Planning has to do with the management and development of both urban and rural areas in order to protect and best serve the present and future generations. All planning issues deal with conflicting demands; it is the role of the planner to analyse and understand these demands and to advise on the best options. Many planning decisions are taken by elected officials based on professional advice.
Revealed: the Sydney flats squeeze
The Herald has obtained housing targets imposed on 26 of the 43 councils included in Sydney's Metropolitan Strategy, which is designed to provide 640,000 new homes for an extra 1.1 million people within 25 years.
Densely populated Strathfield Municipal Council is expected to accommodate 9000 new dwellings - double what it considers possible. Willoughby has been asked to take a further 8000 homes, also twice the limit it has set itself. And a spokeswoman for Bankstown said it had been set a total of 26,000 extra residences, which "would have to be built entirely in place of existing homes".
One year after the Premier, Morris Iemma, unveiled the blueprint for Sydney's population growth, several councils say they have no idea how the Government came up with their preliminary housing targets.
They say they will be forced to erect scores of high-rise apartment blocks that will drastically alter the face of their neighbourhoods, and have expressed bewilderment at the lack of transport planning.
But supporters of the strategy insist that well-designed residential towers are needed around transport hubs close to the city centre to stop the relentless spread at Sydney's fringe.
The Mayor of Strathfield, Bill Carney, said: "The Planning Minister [Frank Sartor] has told us it's all negotiable. But how can it be when there's absolutely no consultation with us? Call me a cynic, but I suspect we won't hear anything more about this until after the March election."
Even the heavily developed suburbs around Marrickville and Woollahra, on the central business district's doorstep, must find room for 5200 and 2800 extra homes respectively by 2031. Woollahra council had an increase of just two new dwellings this year.
Although some councils have declined to reveal their targets, all will be affected.
Many fear the new homes will be built over conservation areas and employment space. But some, such as Canada Bay and Burwood - which will include the two inner-west hubs under the plan - believe intense urban development is the only way to avoid urban sprawl.
Canada Bay has been asked to take 11,000 homes, most of which would be built at Rhodes and Breakfast Point. Cr Neil Kenzler said: "You either go up or out. The only other option is down and I haven't met anyone yet who wants to live in a hole. The higher you go, the smaller the footprint and the more open space you're left with."
Some books for 2007 - bit of a US bias

By Matthew Kahn
Brookings Institution Press, 160 pagesBuy this book

By Chris Balish
Ten Speed Press, 216 pages

By Alice Sparberg Alexiou
Rutgers University Press, 231 pagesBuy this book

By Mike Davis
Verso, 256 pages

Edited by Eugenie L. Birch and Susan M. Wachter
University of Pennsylvania Press, 400 pages Buy this book

Edited by Gabriel Roth
Transaction Publishers, 581 pages Buy this book


By Lance Freeman
Temple University Press, 248 pages Buy this book

By Anthony Flint
The Johns Hopkins University Press, 310 pages Buy this book
The Irish Planning Institute
The Irish Planning Institute is the independent professional body representing the majority of professional planners engaged in physical and environmental planning in Ireland.
The Council of the Institute has a membership of 14 persons. Each member serves a term of 2 years and 7 members are up for election in May each year. A new President and Council take up office each June and the programme of events for the year runs from June to May.
The aims of the Planning Institute are:
- To raise the standards of planning.
- To articulate professional planning opinion.
- To improve and promote the status of the planning profession.
- To contribute to planning education.
- To encourage environmental awareness in the community.
- To represent Irish planning interests abroad.
Established in 1975, the Irish Planning Institute has four categories of membership: Corporate, Affiliate, Graduate and Student.
These members are employed in Ireland and abroad in central government, local authorities, state-sponsored bodies, institutes of higher education and as planning consultants.
There are a number of special interest groups within the Institute; the Cork Branch, the Rural Forum and the Private Practice Branch.
The Irish Planning Institute works in close association with University College Dublin and Queens University Belfast and accredits planning courses in both Colleges. It also presents thesis awards to the final year students in both Colleges. It is one of the nominated bodies under the European Commission Directive on Mutual Recognition of Professional Qualifications and will thus act as a regulatory agency for planning practice in Ireland.
The Institute is a nominating body to Seanad Eireann and to An Bord Pleanála.
The Institute publishes "Pleanáil" annually. This is the only technical publication on planning theory and practice published in Ireland. It also circulates a quarterly "Newsletter" to its members.
The Irish Planning Institute lobbies central Government on new legislation and on planning policy at national, regional and local levels. It also from time to time issues statements on current topics of public interest and debate.
Through its annual National Planning Conference the Institute offers a major forum for the debate of planning and related topics. It also organises a series of public lectures throughout the year to promote awareness of and participation in the planning process.
Two major annual awards are presented by the Institute. One is the "Infill Award" for the quality of design and planning content of new developments in established built up areas. The second is for "Planning Achievement." These awards are aimed at raising the standard of townscape design and planning awareness.
The Irish Planning Institute is an active member of the European Council of Town Planners and has held the Presidency of this organisation. Through this involvement the Institute not only represents Irish planning interests abroad but also forges important links with sister institutions in the E.C. and further afield.
The Irish Planning Institute offers an opportunity for informal contact between its own members and with members of other institutions and professional bodies through social functions, study tours and field trips in Ireland and abroad.
Chaos at the Crossroads
Despite the rhetoric of some politicians, most of the Celtic Tiger prosperity derived from external factors such as a sustained US boom, advantageous exchange rates, low energy prices and EU transfers. However, a select group of politicians and public servants, including Alan Dukes with his Tallaght Strategy, the IDA, and those who championed a low-tax environment, deserve credit for creating the conditions under which we could take advantage of those factors. Reading Frank McDonald's books and Irish Times articles, one might believe that such principled public servants are the exception. McDonald has been compared to the American political commentator and documentary director Michael Moore. Moore wages a dramatic crusade against alleged corruption in the Republican Party. Meanwhile, McDonald has vociferously highlighted the flaws in Irish policy regarding planning, development and the environment. Like Moore, some see him as extreme. However, he has provided a necessary counterbalance to the development lobby and, most importantly, he has made us think about what we are doing to our environment.
In writing Chaos at the Crossroads, McDonald is joined by James Nix, who provides ballast in terms of the scope of the book. Together they take the cause to a new level with a 400-page blistering attack on what they describe as the "sloppy thinking, political chicanery, bureaucratic incompetence and pandering to vested interests" that comprises the Irish approach to planning and development. The purpose is a call to arms for outraged readers.
The book opens by accusing the Government of misinterpreting sustainable development as "development that has to be sustained". Certainly there is some justification in this criticism as there appears to be an unhealthy obsession with sustaining high rates of economic growth as measured by overall productivity rather than focusing on productivity per person and maintaining full employment. Ultimately, economic growth is only desirable if it enhances well-being. It is not an end in itself. The central thesis of the authors is that irresponsible planning and development decision-making has resulted in economic growth producing unnecessary negative consequences for quality of life. They endeavour to show this by examining urban sprawl, the proliferation of rural (particularly urban-generated) housing, poor performance in reducing greenhouse gases and bungled transport plans.
Through a series of anecdotes about dodgy decisions combined with plenty of illustrative photographs, McDonald and Nix capture much of the drama surrounding the heated debate that has been a feature of planning and development in recent years. The authors' "bad guys" include Martin Cullen (their "Minister for No Environment"), Bertie Ahern (photographed taking donations in the tent at the Galway races), Charlie McCreevy (and his daft decentralisation policy), the Irish Rural Dwellers' Association, and a selection of councillors. Their "good guys" include Ian Lumley, Michael Smith, An Taisce, Ed Walsh, the Greens and a selection of notables lamenting the destruction of the Irish landscape including Andrew Lloyd Webber, Jeremy Irons, Roy Foster and Neil Jordan. Throw in the odd damsel in distress who, due to mismanaged planning by the "bad guys", has to get up at 5am in Portlaoise to drive to Dublin to work, dropping off the kids on the way, and you have an entertaining, albeit depressing, planning drama.
The authors quite rightly focus on policies being based on little or no evidence. "Back of the envelope" opportunist policy-making is illustrated by a critique of Charlie McCreevy's decentralisation plan and by the flimsy detail in "Transport 21". Pandering to vested interests is demonstrated by, among other examples, the plan for the expansion of Dublin airport which puts the interests of the unions ahead of those of the travelling public.
The book concentrates on demonstrating the negative effects of poor decision-making and parish-pump politics caused by multi-seat constituencies which lead to national politicians being obsessed with local issues when they should actually be governing in the best interests of the nation. In addition to the "chaos" predicted by McDonald and Nix, this will ultimately damage the national economy.
The tendency to see environment and economy as being in competition rather than mutually reinforcing also remains a problem as exemplified by the Government's mistaken view that a carbon tax must hurt competitiveness. The decision to shelve such a tax draws just criticism from the authors.
The opponents of McDonald and Nix will complain the book is excessively negative - explicit solutions are contained in the last 35 pages of the 400-page volume. The authors are quick to highlight negative planning decisions but give less emphasis to where the system has been shown to work, through appeals to An Bord Pleanála, for example. It would also be interesting to read their views on areas of dispute within environmentalism such as intensifying housing in wealthy suburbs and differing opinions on incineration.
Nevertheless, this catalogue of poor, and in several cases highly suspect, decision-making will be of interest to both friends and foes of the authors. If you are the former, the book will provide plenty of material to back up your opinions and make you more passionate about the cause. For the latter, the book presents a series of propositions, opinions and some evidence that will be infuriating but hard to refute.
Given the importance of good planning for our future wellbeing, this book is required reading for all.
Planning permissions granted for new Irish homes fell 15% in Q3 2006
Planning permissions granted for new Irish homes fell 15% in Q3 2006

Source: CSO
Figures from the Central Statistics Office show that the number of planning permissions granted for new homes dropped in the third quarter of this year.
In the third quarter of 2006, planning permissions were granted for 20,883 dwelling units, compared with 23,981 units for the same period in 2005, a decrease of 12.9%.
The third quarter figures also show that:
- Planning permissions were granted for 15,486 new houses. This compares with 18,190 new houses in the same quarter of 2005, a decrease of 14.9%.
- Planning permissions were granted for 5,397 apartments in the third quarter of 2006 and 5,791 in the third quarter of 2005. This is a decrease of 6.8%.
- One-off houses accounted for 24.3% of all new dwelling units granted planning permission in this quarter.
- Total floor area planned was 5,337 thousand sq. metres in the third quarter of 2006. Of this, 55.9% was for new dwellings, 33.0% for other new constructions and 11.1% for extensions. The total floor area planned increased by 5.1% in comparison with the same quarter of 2005.
- Planning Permissions for new buildings for Agriculture increased to 1,453 this quarter. This compares to 470 permissions in the same quarter of 2005.
Friday, 22 December 2006
The perils of planning - sprawl?
http://www.cato.org/pubs/regulation/regv29n1/v29n1-inreview.pdf
Creating Child Friendly Cities

Edited by: Brendan Gleeson & Neil Sipe
Leading planning and geography authors present this comprehensive assessment of the extent to which the physical and social make-up of western cities accommodates and nourishes the needs of children and youth.
Examining the areas of planning, design, social policy, transport and housing, Creating Child Friendly Cities outlines strengths and deficiencies in the processes that govern urban development and change from the perspective of children and youth. Issues explored include children's view of the city and why this is unique; the 'obesity epidemic': is it caused by cities?; and the journey to school and children's transport needs generally.
With illustrations and case studies, Creating Child Friendly Cities presents planning professionals with a solid case for child-friendly cities and an action plan to create places for children to play.
Small Cities - Worth a read
Editor: David Bell Editor: Mark Jayne
This book is worth a read. Here's a quick review:
Until now, much research in the field of urban planning and change has focused on the economic, political, social, cultural and spatial transformations of global cities and larger metropolitan areas – in this topical new volume, David Bell and Mark Jayne redress this balance, focusing on urban change within small cities around the world. Places such as Dundee, Weimar, Cheltenham and Port Louis, Mauritius get their day in the sun.
Drawing together research from a strong international team of contributors, this four part book is the first systematic overview of small cities. A comprehensive and integrated primer with coverage of all key topics, it takes a multi-disciplinary approach to an important contemporary urban phenomenon. The book addresses political and economic decision making, urban economic development and competitive advantage, cultural infrastructure and planning in the regeneration of small cities, identities, lifestyles and ways in which different groups interact in small cities.
Centring on urban change as opposed to pure ethnographic description, the book’s focus on informed empirical research raises many important issues. Its blend of conceptual chapters and theoretically directed case studies provides an excellent resource for concerned students and professionals.
Environmental damage highlighted by Google Earth
Irish planners are starting to use Google Earth more and more for development control and forward planning work. But its uses are clearly wider.Rampant forest destruction, retreating glaciers and explosive urban growth have been highlighted by a partnership between the United Nations and internet search giant Google.
Under the scheme, announced by the UN Environment Programme (UNEP) on Wednesday, before-and-after satellite images of 100 global environmental hotspots have been integrated into Google's popular mapping program, Google Earth.
"These satellite pictures are a wake-up call to all of us to look at the sometimes devastating changes we are wreaking on our planet," UNEP chief Achim Steiner said in a statement.
Spectacular imagery
He described the selection photographs as "spectacular imagery" that offered a compelling "new way of visualising the dangers facing our planet today", and said it would lead to greater awareness and concern about ecological damage.
"By tapping into the global Google community, we are able to reach out to millions of people who can mobilise and make a difference," Steiner said.
Google Earth, which offers satellite images of the planet, has about 100 million users worldwide, who will now be able to use the program to access UNEP's "Atlas of Our Changing Environment".
Users can view the UNEP content by clicking on "Featured Content" in the program. This produces UNEP markers on each of the 100 hotspots and the before-and-after images are revealed by clicking on these markers.
Urban growth
Among the 100 "hotspots" included are the dwindling Amazon rainforest, melting polar ice caps, and the startling declines of Central Asia's Aral Sea and Africa's Lake Chad, shown in satellite images captured between 1963 and 2004. The rapid urbanisation of the US city of Las Vegas, between 1973 and 2000, and southern Chinese metropolis of Shenzen, between 1979 and 2004, is also shown.
Other crisis points highlighted include the rampant destruction of mangrove forests in Southeast Asia, notably in Thailand and Malaysia, and the effects of open-pit oil exploration in the Athabasca region of Canada's Alberta province.
The UNEP hotspots were added using Google's Keyhole Markup Language. Other information has been added to Google Earth by National Geographic, the Jane Goodall Institute, the US National Park Service, and Discovery Networks.
Virtual cityscapes show town planners the future


Virtual reconstructions of real cities are giving town planners and architects a clearer picture of the potential impact of future designs.
Computer scientists at the University of Arkansas in the US have developed a technique for rapidly constructing accurate 3D models of real cities using a unique combination of information. This includes satellite imagery, mapping data, building records and images captured from low-flying aircraft. Textures are also recorded using handheld digital cameras.
The researchers used the technique to build a 3D model of the city of Fayetteville in northwest Arkansas, which is experiencing rapid metropolitan growth. By adding models of planned building works to the 3D model, and then importing everything into the mapping program Google Earth, they are able to see exactly how these designs would impact on the landscape.
To construct their model of Fayetteville, the researchers used "oblique" aircraft imagery captured by a US company called Pictometry, and laser-based range-finding measurements taken from the ground.
Aircraft imagery
Malcolm Williamson, at the university's Centre for Advanced Spatial Technologies (CAST), who led the project, says the aircraft imagery was particularly useful for building the 3D maps quickly. Pictometry's Electronic Field Study software made it possible to automatically calculate the measurements of buildings from the aerial images.
"That really was a big key to building accurate models," he told New Scientist. "Measurements are theoretically possible through the use of high-density aerial LiDAR, but the Pictometry photography greatly increases the likelihood of being able to see and measure what is needed."
His team imported detailed architectural models of planned buildings to create a realistic representation of the future cityscapes. "We received CAD [Computer Aided Design] models from several different developers who have had new developments already approved," he says.
The Arkansas team's efforts are being tested by Sketchup, a company specialising in 3D modelling tools, which was acquired by Google in March 2006. Google now provides Sketchup as a free tool for users to build virtual structures, which can be imported into Google Earth. Williamson says free programs like these could eventually let ordinary citizens explore their city and contribute to planning schemes.
Information sharing
"It's an interesting application," says Michael Batty, an expert on mapping at University College London's Centre for Advanced Spatial Analysis (CASA) in the UK. "But it's one of many."
Batty's own group is building a 3D model of London using some of the same types of information. He says the ability to import models into Google Earth is particularly useful for sharing information.
Steve Coast, a UK mapping expert and founder of OpenStreetMap, a community-driven mapping project, says 3D modelling could be particularly useful for urban development. "Its cool stuff," he told New Scientist. "Lots of people are trying to make money out of it for city planning."
However, Coast questions whether the increased speed of modelling justifies cost of obtaining oblique imagery using aircraft. "Photographing the building from the air rather than the ground is a bit quicker but it's no breakthrough," he says.
Hauliers Welcome The Opening Of The Dublin Port Tunnel
Port Tunnel pushes up northside land prices
The opening of the Dublin Port Tunnel (DPT) is already beginning to have an impact on industrial property values on the northside of Dublin. This increased level of activity in and around the tunnel entrance is likely to accelerate over the next twelve months and the benefits the tunnel will bring to the area will shift the focus of Dublin's industrial market from the west to the north of the city in the medium to long-term.
On opening, approx. 9,000 HGV's will be removed from the local road network in Dublin each day. Travel time from the Port Tunnel entrance at Santry to Dublin Port, which can take up to one hour on the N1, will be just seven minutes. There will be no toll charge applied to HGV's using the DPT, however, cars will pay a premium toll rate during peak hours, falling to a standard toll charge at off-peak times.
The reduced travel time to Dublin Port from the M50 will help the continued development and attractiveness of Dublin Port resulting in shorter, more reliable delivery times for business and industry. A reduction in travel times to and from the Port will help increase profitability and improve competitiveness for logistics, transport, manufacturing and distribution companies many of whom are operating in a low margins market.
A stringent enforcement strategy will have to be undertaken by Dublin City Council to ensure that the tunnel is effective in its objective. A decision has yet to be made in this regard but there are a number of options under consideration. These include:
- Time restrictions on access within the canal cordon
- Restrict HGV access within the canal cordon to permit holders only
- HGV tolling at the canal cordon
Regardless of which of the above enforcement strategies is applied, companies within close proximity of the tunnel entrance will have a competitive advantage over their competitors. They will have toll free access to the port whilst benefiting from the most time and fuel efficient means of accessing the port.
Companies going to or coming from the south or south-west of the City, will have to face toll charges, either at the West Link or the canal cordon. These charges and/or time restrictions will have an impact on operating costs and are likely to make some companies more competitive than others simply because of their location on the north side of Dublin.
With the Airport and recently opened M1 extension to Drogheda, the north side of the city already has much to offer occupiers in the industrial property market. However, the opening of the Port Tunnel next year will create a frenzy amongst occupiers as they battle it out for land and buildings which will give them access to the country's most important infrastructural project.
Areas already benefiting from the proposed new infrastructure include Santry and Clonshaugh, both of which are situated at the entrance to the Tunnel. At Clonshaugh Industrial Estate vacancy rates have plummeted over the last twelve months. One of the most recent transactions on the estate was the sale of the 30,000 sq. m. former Gateway 2000 facility for €16m towards the end of last year. This building had been vacant for almost three years at which time there was approx. 100,000 sq.m. of space available in Clonshaugh. This vacancy level stands at just 20,000 sq. m. today.
There are a number of older industrial estates within close proximity of the tunnel entrance which have potential for significant capital growth when it opens in 2006. Values on these older estates had been hardest hit when the industrial market weakened in 2002 & 2003. Many units have been available on these estates for a number of months and are now available at good value to purchasers. These estates include Dublin Industrial Estate, Airways Industrial Estate and Malahide Road Industrial Park, all of which are within minutes of the entrance to the Port Tunnel. Values on these estates may accelerate when the tunnel opens and the benefits of these locations become evident.
A price of €3.3m was secured in January for a 1.33 hectare site on the old Airport Road opposite Airways Industrial Estate. The site which is located approx. 2kms from the tunnel entrance had been on the market for over three years. These transactions are evidence of the pent-up levels of demand from investors and owner occupiers for good quality land and buildings which provide easy access to the Dublin Port Tunnel.
An area set to benefit significantly from opening of the Port Tunnel is Balbriggan. With the M1 Motorway extension from Dublin Airport to Courtlough now completed, the Port will be just twenty minutes from the Balbriggan / M1 Junction. Balbriggan also enjoys a good road network via the M1 to Belfast and the improvement in access to Dublin Port may encourage more northern companies to develop smaller hub sites in Dublin. Land values in the area are currently in the region of €450,000 - €500,000 per acre and have obvious potential for significant growth over the next 2 to 3 years.
Two major business parks will be developed in Balbriggan during this period including Fingal Bay Business Park, a joint development between Howard Holdings and Fingal County Council. Already, an 80,000 sq.ft hi-bay warehouse has been completed for Bridgestone Tyres as has a 30,000 sq.ft office building for the Passport Office. Treasury Holdings has commenced development on the M1 Business Park, a new 80 acre development at the M1 / Balbriggan junction.
Balbriggan has the potential to become a prime industrial area over the coming years with significant road improvements under way in the immediate area coupled with easy access to the Port. At a time when many companies are adopting a "wait and see" approach to the industrial market, there is an opportunity now to capitalise on the current market with the potential for a significant uplift in values in the short to medium term.
Fingal County Council is expected to adopt its new development plan this summer. Significant landbanks are likely to be rezoned from agricultural/amenity uses to industrial, particularly between the Ballymun and M1 junctions on the northern side of the M50. This increase in the supply of industrial land is not just a result of the region's increased capacity to service more land since the completion of the Northern Fringe Sewer two years ago. It also points to the Council's aspirations for significant development and growth during the life of the new plan and the DPT will have a fundamental part to play in achieving these goals over the coming years.
Despite the higher than expected costs of providing the Tunnel and the ongoing political debate on increasing its height for super-cube trucks, the opening of the Dublin Port Tunnel in 2006 will exacerbate demand amongst owner occupiers and developers for industrial land and buildings across the north side of Dublin.
Wednesday, 20 December 2006
Roche Announces Award of Woodstown Research Project Contract
RECYCLING CONSULTATIVE FORUM 11th – 12th JANUARY 2007
Tuesday, 19 December 2006
The train now arriving is first for 100 years
The first city centre station built in over 100 years and at a cost of €26m, Iarnrod Eireann said it will be fully operational by March 12, three months ahead of schedule. It will deliver a "dramatic increase" in peak frequency from
west Dublin suburbs such as Clonsilla and Castleknock, as well as developing areas such as Ashtown and the proposed Phoenix Park Station.
Most of the main building work is already completed. Signalling and final fit-out will begin in the New Year.
It will handle 2,500 commuters daily on opening, with potential to cater for up to 10,000 more.
Council moves to protect green spaces
A south Dublin local authority has moved to protect its parks following a series of planning applications which included development on local green spaces.
Under a variation to the council's development plan, developers in the Dún Laoghaire/Rathdown area will no longer be able to include green areas in new
planning applications if they have been the subject of a deed of dedication to the council or were designated as open spaces on a previous application.
The move comes after open spaces in Dún Laoghaire, Stillorgan, Dalkey and Foxrock were included in residential planning applications. Some of the greens had been the subject of deeds of dedication to the council by developers but were not followed through.
Open spaces under threat included a green at Sefton Estate in Dún Laoghaire, which was initially included in a planning application for Dun Laoghaire golf course by Cosgrave Brothers, and a green at Stillorgan Heath, part of an application for development by Shannon Homes, which was subsequently withdrawn.
Councillors voted to vary the Dún Laoghaire/Rathdown County Council Development Plan to include the statement "no residential developments may take place in open green spaces that are the subject of a deed of dedication or identified in a planning application as open space".
The variation will go to public consultation early in the new year before going back to councillors for final approval.
The cathaoirleach, Cllr Eugene Reagan (FG), who tabled the variation, welcomed the decision by councillors to accept it.
"With greater density in housing and more apartments it is vital that our green spaces are protected to maintain the quality of life.
"The variation now approved by council will address fully the concerns of residents in such estates as Sefton in Dún Laoghaire, Mapas in Dalkey and Rocwood and Torquay Wood in Foxrock, who are understandably concerned about planning applications affecting their green spaces."
Mr Reagan said the variation would give clarity and legal certainty on the preservation of green spaces.
Houses plan is rejected over threat to wildlife
AN BORD Plean·la has refused planning permission for the construction of a 14-house development on the upmarket Ross Road in Killarney.
Killarney Town Council originally granted the development, subject to certain conditions, in April this year.
A third party appeal was subsequently submitted by the late Dr Bill Mangan and his wife, Dr Patricia Mangan, in May.
The proposed project, to be undertaken by Ross Road Developments, featured four different house types of a contemporary design and accommodation set over three floors. Front and back gardens were included for each dwelling.
A report from an inspector with An Bord Pleanala maintained that the site was governed by the policies and provisions of the Killarney Development Plan 2003 and had a particular low-density residential zoning.
Inspector Fiona Tynan also noted in her report that the nearby Killarney National Park was designated as a candidate special area of conservation.
A number of issues were stated in the third party appeal submitted by Mr and Mrs Mangan who argued that the development was in breach of the town
development plan, as a wall and widening and resurfacing of the existing internal roadway were outside of the residential zoned area.
In addition, the design and scale of the dwellings were described as being out of character with nearby residences and. It was claimed, it would contravene sections of the Killarney town plan. It was also suggested that the proposed development would interfere with the traditional jarvey, tourist, pedestrian and cyclist route.
A key aspect of the appeal was the report on the environmental impact the development would have on the flora and fauna of the area.
The appellants retained ecolo-gist, Dr Mary O’Connor, to give advice on the site and she stated in her submission that the site accommodated the lesser horseshoe bat, which is protected as a species of European importance under the European Union Natural Habitats Directive. Her report also stated that the lowland red deer herd, which use the site, is recognised as the only true native pure herd in Ireland.
Dr O’Connor concluded that the development of the site would lead to a restriction of habitat for protected species and the loss of buffer for protected species.
"The development would further lead to sub-urbanisation of extant areas of wildlife habitat within the current park bounds," the ecologist added.
In her final assessment, An Bord Plean·la Inspector, Fiona Tynan stated that a number of protected species occur on the site, such as the red squirrel, the Irish stoat and pygmy shrew.
She added that the environ-mental impact report showed that there was frequent activity by a badger social group and that Killarney National Park is the only site in Ireland where all 10 of the known Irish bat species have so far been recorded.
Ms Tynan subsequently recommended that permission for the proposed development be refused.
‘Excessive’ rezoning putting council at risk, manager warns
DESPITE strong warnings from county manager Martin Riordan and senior planning officials, councillors in Kerry are continuing to rezone an excess amount of land for housing, planners have claimed.
Mr Riordan warned the council could be sued in regard to future planning decisions, as land for hundreds more houses than will be needed has been rezoned around villages in the Tralee/Killarney hub.
He described some cases of rezoning as leapfrogging on a “grand scale”, saying it was his duty to issue a formal warning that the council could be sued by developers if An Bord Pleanála refused planning permission for the rezoned land.
An Taisce claimed some of the rezonings were for the benefit of the landowners and developers rather than the community, while Independent Councillor Brendan Cronin said it was time for planning decisions to be taken out of councillors’ hands.
Senior planning engineer Tom Sheehy pointed out that the rural village of Kilcummin, near Killarney, would become bigger than the town of Dingle if all land in the area zoned for development was built on. He said Kilcummin already had enough land zoned for the equivalent of 532 houses, or 1,600 people.
But councillors decided, on the proposal of South Kerry Independent Alliance Cllr Michael Gleeson, to rezone another parcel of land, near Kilcummin, which could potentially provide housing for 500 people.
Mr Riordan strongly advised against this rezoning.
However, Independent Cllr Michael Healy-Rae said young people could no longer afford to purchase houses in towns like Killarney and Kenmare. Kilcummin was a suitable area for affordable housing, which was badly needed, he maintained.
Mr Sheehy described as outrageous another rezoning near Beaufort, Killarney.
This rezoning, led by Fine Gael Cllr John O’Connor and Fianna Fáil Cllr Colin Miller, involved seven acres at the foot of the MacGillycuddy Reeks. The land is beside a church and school, but does not form part of Beaufort village.
Mr Sheehy showed a five-minute video of the distance between the village and the land, which, he said, was at least half a mile down a narrow road. There were no footpaths and no lighting.
Mr O’Connor said there were other housing developments in the area and the proposal would include a childcare and educational facility and a playground. There was a need for housing in the area alongside a church and school, he felt.
The Tralee/Killarney hub area includes 20 villages surrounding the towns and is a designated development hub under the national spatial strategy.
Criticism of the county planners and An Taisce
Growing bitterness about the way planning applications are allowed and disallowed in Beara has become a major topic in the area, with much criticism of the county planners and An Taisce. At a meeting of the Cork County Council planners were attacked for not granting more permissions. for houses in rural areas to compensate for the restrictions imposed in the controversial three-mile limit in the 1996 County Development Plan. Councillors want to see more preference given to local people who apply to put up houses in areas where building it as present severely restricted to preserve scenes of natural beauty. Locals believe that tight regulations are preventing people who want to stay in the area from building the houses they need and they think local people should be able to share the benefits of rising land values. They are also keen to see more building going on to create jobs in of high unemployment.
Councillors of all parties, particularly those representing Beara want planning rules relaxed to benefit local people rather than outsiders, including outsiders who are building holiday homes on sites which have been granted planning permission for dwellings. Resentment often arises because outsiders have the money to buy sites where there is planning permission which local people cannot afford.
Locals are also concerned about the apparent ease which people from outside the area have been receiving planning permission while local people are refused. A recent case is one near Castletownbere where a young local
fisherman who applied for planning permission to build a house on his own land, was refused four times. The reason given by the local engineer was that the exit would be on to the main Castletownbere/Allihies Road, while a short distance away outsiders were granted planning permission to build second and holiday homes only a few yards from the same road.
Locals are also highly critical of An Taisce and say that they are faceless people acting against local interests.
New rural lobby group set to field candidates in election
A NEW alliance unhappy that the Government is ignoring the views of rural Ireland is looking to stand candidates at next summer’s election.
The Rural Ireland Alliance was established in West Cork earlier this month following the Government’s decision to ban drift-net fishing for salmon.
One of its five founders, John Nolan, is a former chair of the Fianna Fáil cumann in Castletownbere.
Explaining his reasons for leaving Fianna Fáil yesterday, he said: “I felt that rural Ireland and issues that affect people in rural Ireland — especially in relation to our traditional jobs like fishing, farming and tourism — we’re no longer getting listened to.
“Politicians have no problem at election time coming round and promising the sun, moon and stars. But we’ve been quite disappointed the way our fishing, one of the traditional industries, has been treated. [It’s] not only just fishing: also farming. In Castletownbere co-op alone, we lost 200 jobs in the last five years.”
The alliance, which had its first public meeting on December 6, would seek to represent disaffected fisherman, farmers, publicans and other members of the rural community. The goal would be to become a political party over time, Mr Nolan explained.
“We had a public meeting in Dunmanway two weeks ago and there were over 120 people present [from] all aspects of life in West Cork. Now, we would
hope that it would lead to an actual new party. We’re beginners; there’s no question about that. But what we wanted to look at was the possibility of setting up a lobby group. And it was almost a unanimous decision that we could look actually to go on the election trail.”
To that end, the alliance would seek to nominate a candidate to run in the Cork South West constituency — which takes in most of West Cork — in the coming months.
The hope is that other disaffected rural communities would then follow suit, Mr Nolan said.
The alliance will have its next public meeting on January 10, again in Dunmanway.
Explaining the alliance’s manifesto, Mr Nolan said: “I don’t want to be tied up to just the drift-net issue, because we don’t think that putting up a candidate will get drift-netting back. We just feel that successive governments have stopped listening to rural Ireland. We still have emigration from rural Ireland, but it’s emigration now to Cork and emigration to Dublin.”
Monday, 18 December 2006
A course on the history of Irish planning
Spatial Planning: past, present and future
I taught this course for a number of years at Dublin Institute of Technology. It might help!
1. Introduction
This module provides grounding in the key concepts of spatial planning and a foundation for the discipline’s further study. It provides an understanding of the interaction between the town and regional planning movement, environmental health and quality concerns; and economic and social development.
2. Module synopsis
· The need to plan
· The origins of spatial planning
· Town and country settlement patterns
· Regional planning
· Spatial planning and sustainability
· Structure and institutions of the Irish planning system
· Contemporary spatial planning
3. Essential reading:
· Hall, P. (various editions) Urban and Regional Planning, Penguin.
· Hall, P (various editions) Cities of Tomorrow, Blackwell Publishing.
· LeGates, R.T. and Stout, F. (1996) The City Reader, Routledge, Second Edition.
3.1 Additional reading:
·
· Engels, F (1845). The Condition of the Working Class in
· Greed, C. (1993) Introducing Town Planning, Longman,
· Hall, P. (1996) Cities of the Future, Blackwell,
· Maclaran, A. (1998)
4 Lecture areas:
1. Planning, Planners and Plans: the need to plan!
· Chapter One of Peter Hall’s Urban and Regional Planning
· Chapter One of John Ratcliffe’s Town and Country Planning
2. Planning for urbanization and demographic change
· Childe, G. (1950) The Urban Revolution. Town Planning Review, available in LeGates and Stout (1996) The City Reader.
· Kitto, H.D.F. (1951) The Polis from The Greeks, in LeGates and Stout (1996) The City Reader.
· Pirenne, H. (1925) “City origins” and Cities and European Civilsation”, from Medieval Cities, in LeGates and Stout (1996) The City Reader.
· Davis, K. (1965) The Urbanization of the Human Population, Scientific American. In LeGates and Stout (1996) The City Reader.
3. The History of Urban Form
· Morris, A. E. J. (1994) History of urban form: before the industrial revolutions 3rd. ed. Imprint,
· Kostof, S. (1991) The city shaped: urban patterns and meanings through history.
· Lewis Mumford “What is a city” Architectural Record, in LeGates and Stout (1996) The City Reader.
4. Industrial Revolution/Mass Urbanisation/Evolution of planning
· Chapter Two of Peter Hall’s Urban and Regional Planning
· Hall, Cities of Tomorrow, Chapters 1 ("Cities of Imagination") and 2 ("The City of the Dreadful Night")
· Friedrich Engels. 1845. "The Great Towns", in The City Reader, pp. 46-55.
5. The pre 19th century personalities who influenced the emergence of planning.
· Chapter Three of Peter Hall’s Urban and Regional Planning
· Hall, City Of
· Robert Fishman. 1997. "Urban Utopias: Ebenezer Howard and Le Corbusier". In
· Ebenezer Howard. 1898. "Author's Introduction" and "The Town-Country Magnet" in City Reader, pp. 321-329 (excerpt from Garden Cities of Tomorrow).
· Hall, P and Ward, C. (1998) Sociable cities: the legacy of Ebenezer Howard.
Web sites:
·
· Letchworth’s website: http://www.letchworth.com
· Port Sunlight: http://www.portsunlight.org.uk/
· Solitaire:: http://www.saltaire.yorks.com/saltaire-info.html or
6. Personalities who influenced the emergence of planning cont’d.
· Chapter Three of Peter Hall’s Urban and Regional Planning
· Peter Hall. Cities of Tomorrow. Chapter 5: The City in the Region. 136-173.
· Meller, H. (1981) Patrick Geddes 1854-1932 in Pioneers in British Planning. (1981)(ed) Cherry, G. The Architectural Press Limited.
7. Le Corbusier & Frank Lloyd Wright – The City of
· Le Corbusier. 1929. "A
(excerpt from The City of Tomorrow and its Planning. Translated from the 8th French edition of Urbanisme by Frederick Etchells,
· Frank Lloyd Wright. 1935. "
· Peter Hall. Cities of Tomorrow. Chapter 7: The City of
· Power, S. (2000) The Development of the Ballymun Housing Scheme. Irish Geography, Volume 33(2), 2000, 199-212.
8. The Genesis and Evolution of Modern Irish Planning
· BANNON, M.J. (ed.) (1985) The Emergence of Irish Planning 1880-1920. Turoe Press,
· Nowlan, K, L. (1989) “The Evolution of Irish Planning, 1934-1964” in Bannon, M. J. Planning – The Irish Experience 1920-1988,
· Bartley, B. and Waddington, S. (2001) The Emergence and Evolution of Urban Planning in
· Maclaran, A. (1998)
9. State interest in Irish planning
· Bartley, B. and Waddington, S. (2001) The Emergence and Evolution of Urban Planning in
· Bartley, B. and Waddington, S. (2000) Modern Planning in
· Maclaran, A. (1998)
10. Planning for
·
· F.H. A,
11. The Changing physical form of Irish cities: A case study of
· Pearson, P. (2000) The heart of
· F.H. A,
· Brady, J. and Simms, A (2001) editors.
· Ó Maitiú, S. (2003)
12. Regional planning in
· Bannon, M. J. and
· Buchanan and Partners (1968) Regional Studies in
· Regional Planning Guidelines Greater
· National Spatial Strategy.
13. New Town Planning & Urban Renewal
· Drudy, P. J. and A. MacLaran (eds.) (1996)
· Drudy, P. J. and M. Punch (1996) Towards a Development Strategy for
· KPMG (1996) Study on the Urban Renewal Schemes. Department of the Environment:
14. Participation, power and planning
· McGuirk, P. (1995) Power and Influence in Urban Planning: Community and Property Interests' Participation in
· McGuirk, P. (1991) Perspectives on the nature and role of urban planning in
· Thornley, A. (1977) Theoretical Perspectives on Planning Participation. Pergamon P.
· Ellis, G. (2002) Third Party rights of appeal in planning: reflecting on the experience of the
15. Current and future phases of Irish spatial planning
End/.
Brendon Buck
September 2006
History of Irish planning?
I am an Irish postgradute student of Architecture
in Edinburgh College of Art, in second year of the Diploma leading to
Masters.
I came accross your blog and found it really interesting. I am currently
researching an extended essay (the title of which is not yet concretely
defined but is generated by the idea of some environments being restricitve
and some nuturing) and am trying to find information on the origins of the
Irish Planning system and the central principles it upholds.
I would greatly appreciate any links or publications you could refer me to
in order to get a grasp of the overall situation.
As you say yourself in your blog there is an awful lot of information
available online and a lot of it specific to particular issues.
Any information you could give me would be greatly appreciated.
Kind regards,
Sara.
Minister Roche gives approval for €3.5m housing scheme in Carnew, Co. Wicklow
Mr. Dick Roche T.D., Minister for the Environment, Heritage and Local Government, has announced that he has approved Wicklow County Council's proposals for the construction of a 25 house scheme at Carnew, in Co Wicklow.
DRAFT BEARNA LOCAL AREA PLAN AND BEARNA STRATEGIC ENVIRONMENTAL ASSESSMENT
NOTICE OF DRAFT BEARNA LOCAL AREA PLAN AND BEARNA STRATEGIC ENVIRONMENTAL ASSESSMENT
In accordance with the provisions of Section 20 of the above Planning and Development Act 2000, as amended, and the Planning and Development Regulations 2001, as amended by the Planning & Development (Strategic Environmental Assessment) Regulations 2004, notice is hereby given that Galway County Council has prepared a Draft Local Area Plan (LAP) and Strategic Environmental Assessment (SEA) Report for Bearna. Copies of the Plan, the SEA Report and associated Support Documents are available on the Council website by following the link below.
Following initial pre-draft public consultation and consideration of the workshop outcomes and submissions received, Galway County Council has prepared a Draft LAP along with a SEA Report, which will be on display from 8 December 2006 to 18 January 2007 (excluding public holidays) at the Planning Office, Áras an Chontae, Prospect Hill,
Submissions or observations in respect of the Draft LAP and SEA Report will be taken into consideration before the Plan is adopted by Galway County Council. These should be received by 4.00pm on Thursday 18 January 2007 marked:
Draft Bearna Local Area Plan
Forward Planning Section
Prospect Hill
Submissions or observations should be made in writing to the above address, forwarded by fax to (091) 509199 or sent by email to localareaplan@galwaycoco.ie, to reach the Planning Department by 4.00pm on the date set out above.
An information evening was held for the Draft LAP at Scoil Sheamus Naofa, Bearna from 6.30pm until 8.30pm on Monday 11 December 2006 . This formed part of the statutory public consultation phase of the LAP process, as per Section 20 of the Planning and Development Act 2000, as amended. Copies of the Draft LAP were available for inspection on the night and members of the planning team were available to answer any questions or queries that arose.
Sunday, 17 December 2006
Affordable Housing By Ikea
The Swedish furniture retailer is expanding its market to include ready-made and modestly-sized homes. Already selling well in Scandinavia, the homes are part of a new plan to address Britain's affordable housing shortage.
"The Ikea houses - known as BoKloks in Scandinavia, Swedish for "live smart" and pronounced "booklook" - are being launched by the flatpack furniture group as a solution to Britain's lack of affordable housing."
"Flats will be priced at under £100,000 and the company said it expects to sell three-bedroom houses, even in south east England, at less than £150,000."
"Live Smart @ Home, part of the affordable housing provider, Home Group, plans to roll out the concept nationally over the next couple of years and aims to produce 500 homes a year by 2009. It will be talking to local councils, developers and regeneration bodies such as English Partnership about setting up sites."
New Orleans Planning Update: The Unified New Orleans Plan
Disaster recovery expert Robert B. Olshansky reports on the latest planning effort in New Orleans.

For planners, New Orleans continues to be an amazing story. To the casual observer, it has taken a painfully long time to produce and adopt a plan. In reality, much of this time has been necessary, in order to identify issues, engage citizens, sort through extraordinarily complicated political issues, and finally develop a plan that encompasses scores of destroyed neighborhoods and an entire city's broken infrastructure.
Over the past year, New Orleans has gone through several planning efforts, each informing the public in its own way. The Bring New Orleans Back Commission plan, prepared by Wallace Roberts & Todd, presented big ideas, not all of them welcome. A neighborhood planning process, led by planning consultant Paul Lambert, helped residents begin to think of desired futures. The current planning process -- the Unified New Orleans Plan (UNOP) -- builds on these efforts, fills in the gaps, identifies citywide needs and funding sources, addresses flood risk issues, and integrates all the neighborhood planning efforts. In January, the city will deliver this plan to the state, in order to facilitate recovery funding. Rather than being too slow, UNOP is proceeding far faster than human beings were meant to do planning.
UNOP is audacious in both its scope and its absurdly short 4-month time frame. It is being invented as it proceeds, at a pace that is unforgiving of errors (metaphors: Ralph Thayer says it is like "building an airplane while flying it." Steven Bingler says it is like "drinking from a fire hose while using it to put out fires"). Dozens of planners and architects have organized themselves into a structure of thirteen district planning teams, coordinated through a citywide team led by Villavaso & Associates, Henry Consulting, and disaster recovery planner Laurie Johnson. All are proceeding simultaneously, sharing their wisdom as quickly as they can. And, so far, the process seems to be on track. This is news. What excites planners, however, doesn’t seem to grab the national news media.
On Saturday, December 2nd, there was a landmark event: UNOP's Community Congress II involved over 2,500 participants in five cities, electronically linked via the magic of America Speaks, a non-profit that uses audio and video technology to connect public hearings in different areas. To a planner, the New Orleans Convention Center was a stunning and historic sight. Imagine one thousand people, at over one hundred tables, generally representing the demographics and neighborhoods of pre-Katrina New Orleans, all actively engaged in planning conversations with fellow residents. Imagine them electronically linked to halls in four other cities, all doing the same thing. They discussed, voted, and created their own ideas. They did this from 9 am to 4 pm, on a Saturday. All they got was a free lunch (some also got a free bus ride or child care). Most participants stayed until the end. This all transpired in a town that supposedly suffers from planning fatigue. I dare you to try this at home.
Community Congress II also had political significance. At the core of the Unified New Orleans Plan is the idea that citizen voices are important, and that the city needs to have a broad and intelligent conversation regarding its choices. People have heard enough political grandstanding, and they are eager to converse. With the success of the Congress, local politicians now have no choice but to support this process. Mayor C. Ray Nagin, for example, led off the Congress ambiguously, but ended the day with a show of support.
But it was not just about process. The substantive elephants in the room are permanent risk reduction and population shrinkage. Over the past month, the consultant teams working throughout the city have tried very hard to broach these delicate subjects, with some (though not always) success. At the Congress, several questions addressed these issues, such as concentrating infrastructure funds in areas of greatest need. Regarding shrinkage of neighborhoods, residents generally felt that homeowners should make their own rebuilding decisions, but most also supported providing financial incentives for people to rebuild near one another. Regarding flooding, citizens gave high support to reducing flood risk, via both financial incentives and standards. To an outsider, these general questions hardly seem a breakthrough. But, in fact, they are. The subjects of risk and shrinkage are now back on the table, and people are willing to engage in these challenging issues thoughtfully and creatively. The next month will tell how far this discussion can go.
Meanwhile, homeowners are working through the Road Home decision process, in which the state will fill the gap between insurance and property value up to $150,000. Owners can decide to use the funds to repair, rebuild, or relocate. More likely, owners will remain undecided for a while, waiting to see what actions the city and their neighbors take. Billions of dollars in insurance settlements are sitting in New Orleans banks, as owners ponder their next move. Thus, although progress is being made, significant uncertainty remains. The same is true of rental housing programs.
Finally, this week saw the welcome news that (a) the Mayor's office will finally be a central player in the recovery planning process, and (b) the recovery implementation office will be run by one of the Association of Collegiate Schools of Planning's own, Ed Blakely. Ed has a challenging job ahead to organize a disjointed city bureaucracy, collaborate with a City Council that has only recently begun to work with the Mayor, expedite the flow of funds, and repair as much as possible as quickly as possible for an impatient and weary populace. Ed wrote the book on economic development planning, but never has one of our colleagues faced a bigger economic development challenge.
As with my previous reports, it is clear that New Orleans is strongly moving in positive directions, which is quite exciting to see. But, as before, many uncertainties still remain. In this still-turbulent environment, it continues to be difficult to predict what will occur even one week ahead. The long-term success of the planning process rests largely on its ability, over the next month, to make progress on the issue of risk reduction. And the new recovery office is yet to be born, so we can't be sure how it will play out (we are rooting for Ed). Finally, thousands of individuals have yet to decide how to invest billions of dollars. So, as has been true for some time, the mantra of planners in New Orleans continues to be, "We should have a much clearer idea over the next couple of months or so."
Robert B. Olshansky is a Professor and Interim Department Head of Urban and Regional Planning at the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign.
Contemporary regional development approaches
Is a new approach to explain regional development needed? If so, what are the problems with the Top-Down/Centre Down (Classical) development theory? There is a school of thought which holds that old theories of regional development need to be replaced with a new approach or model, that being the "bottom-up" approach. This stems from the widely held belief by detractors of the classical regional development theories that these simply did not work sufficiently well.
Stohr cites the example of Italy during the 1960s in which the central government committed huge financial resources to a regional policy of creating growth centres in line with the prevailing "top-down" development theories of the time. His view of the utility of classical development theory can be summarized in the following quote: The past three decades, dominated by development strategies "from above", have not led to decreased disparities in living levels. Disparities have in general increased. This applies both to disparities between social strata and between geographical areas. (Stohr, Development From Above or Below)
Stohr and other authors suggest that an alternate approach is needed to describe development patterns and provide a basis for government policy.
Centre Down Paradigm:
The general thrust of the Centre or Top Down theory of regional development a relatively few, large investments can be made in specific sectors of the economy or geographical areas and the benefits will spread and help other areas. It is often described as the "trickling down" approach. Decisions are made by government without consultation with local people. Examples of include resource development and process projects such as those involving petroleum, minerals and forestry resources, infrastructure projects such as roads, airports, mass transit, hard services and rail, office and retail development to regenerate urban areas and investments in science and high technology. In a sense, if something is constructed or invested in, benefits will come.
The following briefly summarizes the characteristics of the traditional or classical theories of regional development. New approaches take a different perspective and can be contrasted against this:
- traditional theories stress the core/periphery polarization in which capital flows from the core to the periphery and resources flow back to the core (eg. investments in oil fields flow from the city to a region, oil flows to city to power production);
- assume that development (spontaneous or induced) starts in a few dynamic sectors and geographical areas and spreads to other sectors and areas;
- the emphasis in on urban and industrial, capital-intensive development, the highest available technology and maximum use of external and scale economies;
- development usually involves large scale investment projects, efforts at increasing functional and territorial integration, increasing scale of the private and public organizations required to transmit development through these integrated units, large redistribution mechanisms and the reduction of economic, social, cultural and institutional barriers which hinder transmission effects with and between these units (Stohr)
A significant problem with this style of regional development programs is the risk of back wash effects. Back wash occurs when capital and resources invested flow from the periphery back to the core, something that is contrary to the intent of a regional development program (Stohr). It is this sort of problem why some suggest the need for an alternative approach.
Bottom-Up Approach:
This approach holds that decisions and power should be as close to the bottom as possible with coming from a region rather than being imposed from outside. Self-directed and self-generated economic growth and development will occur with greater success than a potentially risky project imposed from above.
One promoter of a new approach is Illeris who suggests that regional development patterns in western Europe in recent decades exhibit a mosaic like pattern of dynamic and declining regions with no uniform core/periphery polarization. This has, Illeris claims, replaced the former uniform concentration of economic growth in the national core areas. The lack of a regional development pattern exhibiting the core-periphery pattern is used to cast doubts on the success of the traditional models and a reason put forward to support the need for a bottom-up approach.
Illeris has formulated what he calls an inductive theory for regional development in economically societies. The following summarizes his theory:
- the structural composition of the economy of each region plays a role in its development (however, location shifts occur within all sectors)
- whether a region gains or loses depends largely on the local conditions, such as political institutions, regional policy assistance, infrastructure, supply of skilled labour, social qualifications, factor prices and population density
According to Illeris, regional that will perform well are those which have economies characterized by expanding sectors such as oil production, high tech industries, producer services, up to date tourism and international organizations. This contrasts with regions that develop poorly when declining industries dominate the economy, such as agriculture, coal mining, steel, shipyards or port functions. Illeris further claims that his theory fits the pattern of emerging society more appropriately than do classical development theories.
Defence of the New Approach:
On the basis of the premise that Western Europe has, in recent decades, developed along the lines of a mosaic with some regions developing better than others instead of a strict core-periphery model is correct, the following points can be put forward in support of the new approach:
- the failure of centre and periphery theory to explain the factual regional development in Northern Europe since the foundation of the European Community (Peschel)
- the expected pattern of development did not materialize: not true that regions most favoured by the European integration process were those most densely populated and nearest to markets, thus being centrally situated and having highest economic potential (Peschel)
Examples of Bottom-Up Development:
The two examples of "bottom-up" development examined briefly here are the Provence-Alpes-Cote-d'Azur (PACA) region in France and rural China.
Development in the Provence-Alpes-Cote-d'Azur (PACA) region in France is an example of a region in which recent prosperity is not due to the influences of "top-down" policies but rather Hansen claims as a result of the presence of a dynamic endogenous industrial milieu.
- the externally planned heavy industrial complexes and scientific technopoles had relatively little impact in terms of diffusing development on a regional basis
- the strong economic performance of the PACA has been associated with small and medium sized enterprises specialized in rapidly growing tertiary activities with a small degree of dependence on declining traditional heavy industries (Hansen)
In the case of rural China, Wu found that rural development had an combination of top-down and bottom-up strategies. In effect, China maintained both types of policies of planning from above and below with differing emphasis on each at different times. On the one hand were policies of decentralizing industrial activities to inland provinces (top-down, centrally directed) and on the other, with collective farming policies, it recognized local custom, social organization and traditional ties in its approach. Regional self reliance under collective ownership and decision making allowed for regional variations in the style of management and in selecting programs suitable for regional level development and available technology. This was done within national support systems that were flexible enough to allow adaption, adjustments and experimentation sympathetic to local conditions (Wu).
Conclusion:
It is easy for supporters of each approach to find fault with the opposing model however, it would be short sighted to dismiss one or the other model completely. On the one hand, supporters of the bottom-up approach can argue that the classical theory has not worked in all instances and has problems associated with it. On the other hand, to claim that Western Europe has developed in a mosaic patten instead of a core-periphery pattern is a sweeping statement and one that can be assailed by supporters of the classical theory. One can also point to examples of successful core-periphery regional development and dispute the existence of a mosaic pattern.
An alternative to the two approaches examined here is to assume that both can occur at the same time. To summarily dismiss one in favour of the other is ill-advised: it is doubtlessly possible to find evidence to support and refute either model. It may be advantageous to proceed with the understanding that both models will apply to varying degrees in different regions in Western Europe. Furthermore, there will be situations in which one model will be more appropriate than the other as one model cannot apply in all situations.
As a regional development approach, bottom-up can be said to leave things to chance. A region or sector will do well or not depending on how well it can respond to changing conditions. However, leaving things to chance is politically risky and hence, top-down can be said to be more certain in its outcomes, not-with-standing, its failures. There may be a role for both approaches, one to let things happen and the other to make sure that certain things happen. It may be more important to discover why a region is succeeding or failing and then decide what intervention is needed, where, and when and then decide on the appropriate approach.Hansen, N. "Innovative Regional Milieux, Small Firms and Regional Development: Evidence from Mediterranean France" Annals of Regional Science, 64, 1990.
Illeris, Sven, "An Inductive Theory of Regional Development" Papers in Regional Science, 72, 2, 1993.
Peschel, Karin, "European Integration and Regional Development in Northern Europe", pp. 39-72 in Development From Above or Below?, Walter B. Stohr and DR Fraser Taylor eds., John Wiley and Sons: Chichester, UK: 1981.
Wu, Chung-Tong and David F. Ip, "China: Rural Development- Alternative Combinations of Top-Down and Bottom-UP Strategies" pp. 155-82 in Development From Above or Below?, Walter B. Stohr and DR Fraser Taylor eds., John Wiley and Sons: Chichester, UK: 1981.
Economic development and planning
INTRODUCTION
The activities of development interests have always had an effect on urban planning. The question is then: what effect they are having now and what brought it about? As the purpose of the paper is to investigate economic development, a starting point is to determine the impact of economic changes on urban areas over the past two decades. Specifically, changes in the way that development interests are organized, their power, and demands for space will be examined. The effects on planning that show up on the landscape is affected should allow conclusions to be drawn.
In a broad sense, development interests can include any person or organization that has an interest in increasing the value or use of land. How they are organized is taken to mean how they are organized over space: the location decisions made by development interests shows up in the urban landscape. The industrial and business uses involved include: head-office, research, and clerical functions, production, warehousing, and transportation activities, and service and supply functions.
A demand for various types of land uses or buildings should suggest a pattern in the urban landscape. This should demonstrate how the landscape is being shaped by development interests. Another pattern is how different sorts of industrial and business activities organize themselves over space.
INFLUENCES IN ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AND CHANGE
The central theme of this paper is economic development and its influence on urban planning. Hence, a review of recent economic changes that have spatial implications is in order. Logan and Moltch identify three historical processes that affect the structure and conditions for growth dynamics of cities:
- technological revolution
- the formation of a global economy
- the emergence of an information form of economics production and management
Other authors, such as Peter Hall, have identified similar influences. Each of these processes will be discussed. These must be seen in light of the economic restructuring that is occurring in national and international economic systems. The economic change that is causing the restructuring of the economies of cities and regions is one of shifting away from an industrial economy based on the production of material goods to what is commonly called an information economy (Hall, 886). There has in addition, been growth in international capital (Logan & Molotch, 40). Two manifestations of this are the influx of new capital and well-to-do people and the withdrawal of investment and population (Fainstein, 5).
At the core of economic restructuring are economic forces that have influence on the global scale. Logan and Molotch identify a group of influential forces which they call the 'growth machine'. In it, those seeking "exchange value" (ie., to increase the value of land) often have common interests with others who control property in same area. Entrepreneurs attempt by collective action and often in collective alliance with other business people to create conditions that will intensify land use in the area (Logan & Molotch, 32). The growth machine is composed of interlocking pro growth associations and governmental units. Private sector members generally oppose government intervention. There is as well, the notion that the free market should decide land uses (Logan & Molotch, 32).
CHANGES IN ORGANIZATION:
The organization of industries over space is undergoing change, both at the global scale and internally. In a "global economy" local interests are shaped by the changing ordering of international spatial relations. There is then a regional dependence on foreign events. For example, in the USA, there has been a shift in new manufacturing investment to the south and western parts of the country away from the north and east. Consumer goods manufacture is now going to lower wage locations abroad (Logan & Molotch, 249).
"Globalization" of the world economy has led to deindustrialization in some cities that previously had large concentrations of older less competitive manufacturing industries. This has produced mass unemployment in the manufacturing sector and as well, in the goods handling industry. Docks, ware houses and freight movement are particularly hard hit as employment areas in inner city locations contract and move to locations that can accommodate the new containerized methods (Hall, 884).
The proces of economic restructuring is exemplified by emerging high technology firms. These are not necessarily bound to certain locations such as was often the case for older industries. Old industries, such as iron-ore smelting, often had to locate in particular areas for reasons of proximity to scarce or bulky materials or resources or markets. New firms can be much more selective about location. They do tend however, to cluster in a few locations and not others to gain the advantages of synergy (Hall & Markusen, 144). It would be simplest to say that there are many suitable locations. These firms also tend to favour locations detached or peripheral form older urban seedbeds of innovation (Hall & Markusen, 144). High-technology industry does not directly generate as much employment as is commonly supposed (Hall & Markusen, 144).
An almost unlimited mobility is now an option available to many firms. Instead of expending energy organizing the place they are in, people can move residence or investment. A mobile firm can be called 'footloose' (Logan & Molotch, 39). The ability to move as needed affects spatial patterns and landscape. Not being bound to a particular location, the city is not seen as principally as a place to live or work (Logan & Molotch, 51). The consequences of change are not their concern.
CHANGES IN POWER OF DEVELOPMENT INTERESTS:
One result of economic restructuring is the intensification of the formation of truly multi-national firms. An effect of this is an increase in control activities at headquarters locations in a relative few countries. This makes for a concentration of economic 'control points' in fewer urban areas (Logan & Molotch, 201). Also, there is a tendency for larger firms in big cities to swallow up smaller ones. This concentrates decision making in larger cities (Logan & Molotch, 202).
As firms grow in size, they are better able to take advantage of economies of scale such as the separation of control functions from production activities. Control functions can be located in big city skyscrapers and production functions in the 'field'. The separation of branch operations influences the landscape in two ways. The first is that there may be fewer spin-off benefits to local entrepreneurs. Branch operations can operate in economic isolation and do not stimulate so much growth in local economic sectors and thus can be of less value to local growth (Logan & Molotch, 203). Hence, firms can 'make or break' local economies or even large ones depending on their decisions. The second is that there may be agglomeration if a firm wishes to take advantage of synergistic effects and" just-in-time" deliveries.
An indication of their power is the ability to locate virtually anywhere desired and their footloose nature. Firms can move and locate where it is to their greatest benefit. As well, they can position the various functions where the greatest benefit will accrue.
CHANGES IN DEMAND FOR LAND:
The multi-locational firm is made necessary on one the hand by the processes of the "globalization" of the world economy and made possible on the other because of technological advances. Firms must respond to economic demands and opportunities and arrange themselves accordingly. Various activities such as production, distribution and administration do not have to occur at the same site. The local effects of a firm depend on what specific functions are being located in a given area. The benefits and negative impacts on a community will vary from one city to the next. Sassen provides a summery of this:
The spatial dispersion of production, including its internationalization, has contributed to the growth of centralized service nodes for the management and regulation of the new space economy...To a considerable extent, the weight of economic activity over the last fifteen years has shifted from production places such as Detroit and Manchester, to centres of finance and highly specialized services.
(Sassen, 1991 in Hall, 886)
Greater freedom of location for firms allows for cities to develop specializations in certain types of uses. This specialization will, according to Logan and Molotch, produce a hierarchy of cities (Logan & Molotch, 251). Certain functions will be more desirable than others. For example a warehouse could be considered less desirable than a research centre due to the number and nature of jobs. As well, the two uses would create different planning outcomes.
Some cities developed a competitive edge: they could offer superior, less expensive space. Redevelopment took place either in already existing Central Business Districts (CBD's) or within near-by areas occupied by residences or small business. Some required the demolition of occupied structures. The largest projects took place on vacant land generated by the abandonment of obsolete transportation, manufacturing, whole sale market or port facilities or created by landfill. Canary Wharf for example (Fainstein, 35).
The emerging industry of the economy of the future is the that of the information based high-technology firm. The location criterion for information industries comes down to access to information (Hall, 886). High-level business services, especially those that require face to-face contact, or have national or international character, will be concentrated in the traditional central areas in the largest and specialized cities such as London (Hall, 887). However, other industries with the same need for access for information are free to locate in other, possibly less glamorous areas. This leads into new forms of industrial arrangement, the Edge City and the 'technopole'.
EDGE CITIES:
This new form of urban centre, the so called Edge City, contains all functions in a spread out form. They are typically situated on lands a distance from old downtowns and were villages or farmland 30 years before. Differing from the typical post-WWII suburb, Edge Cities will contain tall office buildings, white-collar jobs, shopping and entertainment, prestige hotels, corporate headquarters hospitals etc (Garreau, 5). The variety of functions can be confusing: office buildings are situated juxtaposed to shopping malls, strip shopping centres, rich beside poor (Garreau, 9). The automobile is supreme: these developments are built at the 'automobile scale'.
In general, they started to form as people moved to the suburbs in the post-war period. Following this, retailing moved. This is exemplified by the extensive mall construction on the 1960' and 1970's in the USA and Canada. Finally, employment moved out to join where the workforce lived and shaped (Garreau, 4). These areas cannot grow unless and until there are jobs: people have to live there firs1 (Garreau, 87).
A demand existed for large scale buildings that would not always have been possible to have been built in the old downtowns. They needed massive amounts of car parking and support from people from all over the region. The land requirements for some uses, such as hyper-markets, could not be met (Garreau, 23). For example, Sears Corporation moved to an Edge City where they were able to consolidate operations, enhance the quality of the workforce and the living and working environment (Garreau, 28). However, it often the fast growing entrepreneurial high technology firms locating there (Garreau, 29).
A key component of an Edge City is office space. Industrial and warehouses workers do not demand spaciality retail, high-end services, bookstores, restaurants or hotels (Garreau, 31). Proximity to highways and airports also important (Garreau, 39). Factors in the attraction of Edge Cities are the typical push factors: dirt, crime, stress, congestion and costs. Pull factors include: greater safety, new housing and space (Garreau, 55). Big corporations move out for the advantage of being near major transportation interchanges. Moreover, they do not necessarily have to be near other companies (Garreau, 79).
An advantage of Edge Cities is that they can make it easier for people to live close to their jobs. In contemporary lifestyles, it is often the case that the place of residence has to be convenient to two places of work. Edge Cities are a cheap and efficient way to house large numbers of people close to jobs (Garreau, 87).
There are problems with some Edge Cities. Sun City region in Arizona, USA is a privately owned development with its own private police force and has resisted incorporation to avoid taxation (Garreau, 184). Many Edge cities in the USA are private but often assume the duties of a municipality such as libraries, fire department swimming pools, water, garbage collection. They are like shadow governments but are not elected in the sense of a municipal government and thus have little accountability (Garreau, 184-5). This new form of privatized living arrangements has serious implications for control over who is allowed to live there and the freedoms available to residents.
TECHNOPOLES:
A desirable specialized area is the "technopole". More than chance clustering evolving into agglomeration economies and synergistic effects, it is a planned centre for the production of high technology industry. These may be developed by the private sector or by the co-operation or partnership between the public and private sectors (Castells & Hall, 1). They are promoted by governments of all levels as a panacea for economies hurt by economic restructuring (Castells & Hall, 223).
Large corporations and small business locate in technopoles. Networking between other firms is important and made possible by technological advances (Castells & Hall, 4). Factors important to investors include: good buildings and building sites; an attractive environmental setting; excellent highway access and proximity to an international airport; excellent international tele-communication facilities; good quality housing for managers; and, east access to a substantial pool of well trained and motivated labour (Castells & Hall, 241).
These new industrial areas that are developed outside of traditional industrial areas have regional impacts. The aim is to create new industrial jobs to replace jobs lost from old industries that are contracting. However, re-industrialization using these sorts of industries creates fewer jobs than are lost (Castells & Hall, 223). In spite of not being the desired 'cure all', it does remain a tool for regional development. Technology now becomes another factor to be planned for.
INFLUENCE ON PLANNING:
Changes to development interests show up in how land is planned. This begs the question: for whose benefit is much of the contemporary development for? The combination of changes in organization, power and demands appears to have assisted in the creation of new forms of city environments. Furthermore, development activity also appears to have been self-serving in-as-much-as according to Fainstein, builders and developers were more interested in stimulating economically productive activities rather than enhancing the quality of life. The emphasis was on constructing commercial office space over housing and public facilities.
The impact of the development industry had in the 1980's was enormous and suggests why contemporary development firms are so important. In London England, there was the Broadgate development and in New York City USA, the Trump Tower. These are mammoth projects that have the capacity to generate fortunes for a few (Fainstein, 3).
The global and information economy brought a growing need of space to serve expanding financial institutions. There was demand for appropriate space for expansion. Office space that met technological demands of computer age and development of luxury residential and high end consumption facilities (Fainstein, 33). This resulted in the wide scale construction of offices and luxury residential units since there is less profit in building industrial space or affordable housing (Fainstein, 26).
Two divergent outcomes are evident. One consequence of the above development strategy was that many people were left or forced into reduced circumstances. The juxtaposition of rich and poor often resulted and the problem of homelessness was exacerbated. There was displacement from factory jobs because of economic restructuring. Gentrification and financial hardship dislodged people from their homes. At the same time, others were experiencing good fortune. Large projects overwhelmed neighbourhoods. Those opposed could be passed off as being against progress. Office vacancy rates were high but large projects were still proposed (Fainstein, 26)
Pressure was on to build which created an oversupply. (Fainstein, 64). Planning became piecemeal and accommodating to development interests. This is reflected in the landscape. Most office projects and upper income condominiums were erected as single site efforts where as they would have previously (hopefully) been part of a larger development programme. Development that is un-coordinated with its surroundings resulted in checker board development pattern, a miss-match of architectural styles, uncontrolled congestion and a sharp juxtaposition of rich and poor. (Fainstein, 101).
CONCLUSION
The affect on planning has that it has had to deal with various new demands that exert a powerful influence on cities. The following lists some implications for planning in light of the changes to development interests discussed here:
- the demand for new forms of built environments such as Edge Cities and technopoles which draw development out of the traditional CBD's;
- at the same time, dual demand for development of additional office space in CBD's and industrial locations in suburban areas
- the decline of older industries;
- the construction of massive amounts of office space and luxury housing;
- the demand for very high quality office environments such as Canary Wharf in London;
- having to deal with the rise of 'global cities' such as London;
- the use of technopoles as regional development tools;
- having to deal with a developer led planning environment; and,
- having to deal with highly mobile, multi-locational firms that can locate virtually anywhere that is to their advantage.
The combined mobility of firms and separation of functions lead to a fine sorting out of activities across space according to cost and amenities. There is also a sorting by quality or order according to need to be in a more prestigious location. These are evident is a dual dispersal and concentration pattern at the urban-regional, national, and international levels.
At the urban-regional level, firms which need the advantage or the prestige of locating in the CBD will do so. Other firms can locate in suburban areas or in smaller cities. Industry will move out of the older, central city to new locations in the suburbs or smaller centres. There can be an ordering of uses on the lines of: head-office, clerical, production, and warehouse functions with increasing distance from the CBD. Research functions can be located in the most appropriate technopole. All parts of the firm can be held together with modern communications systems.
On the national level, firms can disperse to lower cost centres or regions while locating other parts of their operations in major cities.
On the global scale, firms can locate according to the advantages or disadvantages of each country. For instance, certain uses can be located in lower wage, Third World countries. Alternatively, certain cities, namely London, New York and Tokyo hold great advantages for locating there in spite of the costs.
Concentration and dispersal is evident at each of the three levels. This fine sorting is logical since firms will locate so as to maximize their gain and minimize their costs. Every area has advantages and disadvantages for each type of function and desired amenity. How this is addressed is revealed in the landscape.Edge Cities
This new form of urban centre, the so called Edge City, contains all functions in a spread out form. They are typically situated on lands a distance from old downtowns and were villages or farmland 30 years before. Differing from typical post-WWII suburbs, Edge Cities will contain tall office buildings, white-collar jobs, shopping and entertainment, prestige hotels, corporate headquarters hospitals etc. The variety of functions can be confusing: office buildings are situated juxtaposed to shopping malls, strip shopping centres, rich beside poor (Garreau, 9). The automobile is supreme: these developments are built at the 'automobile scale'.
In general, they started to form as people moved to the suburbs in the post-war period. Following this, retailing moved. This is exemplified by the extensive mall construction on the 1960' and 1970's in the USA and Canada. Finally, employment moved out to join where the workforce lived and shaped (Garreau, 4). These areas cannot grow unless and until there are jobs: people have to live there first (Garreau, 87).
A demand existed for large scale buildings that would not always have been possible to have been built in the old downtowns. They needed massive amounts of car parking and support from people from all over the region. The land requirements for some uses, such as hyper-markets, could not be met (Garreau, 23). For example, Sears Corporation moved to an Edge City where they were able to consolidate operations, enhance the quality of the workforce and the living and working environment (Garreau, 28). However, it often the fast growing entrepreneurial high technology firms locating there (Garreau, 29).
A key component of an Edge City is office space. Industrial and warehouses workers do not demand spaciality retail, high-end services, bookstores, restaurants or hotels (Garreau, 31). Proximity to highways and airports also important (Garreau, 39). Factors in the attraction of Edge Cities are the typical push factors: dirt, crime, stress, congestion and costs. Pull factors include: greater safety, new housing and space (Garreau, 55). Big corporations move out for the advantage of being near major transportation interchanges. Moreover, they do not necessarily have to be near other companies (Garreau, 79).
An advantage of Edge Cities is that they can make it easier for people to live close to their jobs. In contemporary lifestyles, it is often the case that the place of residence has to be convenient to two places of work. Edge Cities are a cheap and efficient way to house large numbers of people close to jobs (Garreau, 87).
There are problems with some Edge Cities. Sun City region in Arizona, USA is a privately owned development with its own private police force and has resisted incorporation to avoid taxation (Garreau, 184). Many Edge cities in the USA are private but often assume the duties of a municipality such as libraries, fire department swimming pools, water, garbage collection. They are like shadow governments but are not elected in the sense of a municipal government and thus have little accountability (Garreau, 184-5). This new form of privatized living arrangements has serious implications for control over who is allowed to live there and the freedoms available to residents.Post-Modernism and Urban Planning
INTODUCTION
Planners should be aware of the forces and schools of thought that shape and change our cities. One such influence is that of Post-Modernism. Conventional, Modernist, rational planning has in the last decade and a half been subject to the influences of the post-modern movement. This has led to a distinct post-modern approach to planning. It is against the conventional, modernist approach that post-modernist planning will be contrasted. Through this, our perceptions and understanding of the nature of urban planning will be improved. To understand where the field of planning is heading, we must first examine modern planning and problems associated with it.
Planning, as with other fields, such as its close relation architecture, is subject to the new school of thought of post-modernism. The previous sections laid out the modernist approach to planning and problems associated with it, the following sections detail the post-modernist approach and the differences between it and the modernist approach. From this, insights into the study of urban planning can be gained.
MODERNIST PLANNING
Modernism was a movement of which planning was a part. This school of thought for planning came out of a reform movement in reaction to the industrial cities of the nineteenth. Modernism is then a cultural reaction to the processes of modernisation associated with the rise of capitalism in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries (Beauregard, 384). Its initial thrust was to diminish the excesses of industrial capitalism while mediating between capitalists who had developed cities which were inefficiently organized for production and those affected by this (Beauregard, 384). Modernism can generally be characterized by "fordism" after the industrial mass production of the type pioneered in the 1920's by Henry Ford for motor vehicle manufacturing.
The early modernist planners held utopian attitudes and a belief in a future in which social problems could be tamed and humanity liberated from the constraints of scarcity and greed (Beauregard, 384). Modern architects for their part, sought to design cities that would promote industrial efficiency and as well, in the face of massive housing shortages, standardised dwelling types capable of mass production (Goodchild, 122). To Harvey, modernist planning and development focused on the large scale, technologically rational, austere, and functionally efficient "international style" design (Robins, 309).
The process of developing modernist planning was driven by universalising forces (universalism and uniformity have become associated with a crisis of urbanity!), functionalism, and abstraction (this has been criticized as having led to a lost sense of territorial identity, urban community, and public space) (Robins, 303). However, the outcomes of modernist planning were not always desirable. For instance, communities were disrupted by the fragmentation of the modern city. Additionally, HRH Prince Charles (an out spoken critic of modern architecture and planning in Britain) claims that after 1945, Britain entered a bleak, forty-year decline constituting a period of bureaucratic planning and "destructive modernisation" (Robins, 307).
PROBLEMS WITH MODERNIST PLANNING:
Modernist planning is being challenged by the political and economic manifestations of post-modernity. Problems became evident in the 1970's and 1980's as new political forms, economic relations, and restructured cities posed difficulties for the premises that underlie the tenants of modernist planning (Beauregard, 381). To try to put the difficulties faced by modernist planning in context, reference can be made to Robins' belief that there is a crisis of urban modernization on two levels: the scale of physical and social problems in the modern city (inequality, segmentation, and alienation are inscribed in the physical and social landscape of cities) and on a higher level, the questions of: What do we think cities are for? What are the values that should regulate urban life? what does civic identity mean now? (the new urban agglomerations and systems seem remote from traditional conceptions of city life and culture) (Robins, 316).
It follows that the modernist paradigms under which cities developed in the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries have been taken as far as they can go. They are, under current conditions, unable to effectively deal with demands as the scale of urban systems has increased and have become networked into global systems. Planning has, as a result, become more fragmented and piecemeal (Robins, 316). This is exemplified in Robins comments that there has also been a collapse of the imagination in the sense that what was once driven by vision and energy is now drained of affect and the utopian has collapsed into the banal (not planning the ideal city but the good enough city) (Robins, 316). The complexity and banality that are significant consequences of urban modernization now impeded its further development (Robins, 316).
Uniformity and inhumanity are evident in modern cities. These phenomena are, according to Robins, indicative of the abstraction and universalism in modernist planning. Moreover, according to Philip Cooke, the local dimension has been for too long neglected by and over-centralized, dominating and exclusive modernist culture (Robins, 306).
Harvey makes the case for the need for an alternative logic to modernism for dealing with cities:
the logic of modernism was centred around efficiency, functionalism, and impersonality; as it eroded the sense of place so it undermined the sense of identity, or, rather, severed the links between identity and peace Harvey in Robins
When studying post-modern planning, it is a simple matter to concentrate on the faults of the modernist approach. However, it is arguable that some kind of large-scale planning and industrialization of the construction industry was needed if capitalistic solutions were to be found for dilemmas of post-war development demands. This was combined with the investigation of new techniques for high-speed mass transportation and high-density development (Harvey, 36). Although the modernist planning approach may have found solutions of a kind, the success of these is widely debated for these solutions were achieved by methods and provided results that are noticeably different from those of post-modernist planning. An example of this is the loss of ornamentation and personalized design (Harvey, 36).
Notwithstanding the above defence of modernism and modernist planning, problems are clearly evident and significant. An outlet for the dissatisfaction with the modernist approach was provided by post-modernism.
POST-MODERNISM
The times and urban conditions that spawned modernist planning have changed and what was developed under that paradigm is now in the near and near-distant past. In response to the short-comings of the modernist paradigm and changes in the organization of society and economic activity, post-modernism emerged. It can generally be described as "post-fordism" and can be characterized by the emergence of new information based industries such as computing (Goodchild, 122).
To attempt to define what post-modernist planning is it may be most effective to examine what modernist planning is not. If modernism can be said to have broken ties with any or all historical conditions, than post-modernism can be said to re-establish historical ties (Harvey, 12). It is concerned about reclaiming the city, re-establishing personal and collective roots and in general, the re-enchantment of the city through the re-enchantment of identity and community (Robins, 310).
Modernism was a reaction in revulsion against the nineteenth-century metropolis. This lead to the development of new, visionary and utopic approaches for the planning and development of cities. For example, Ebenezer Howard, Frank Lloyd Wright, and Le Corbusier devised new ways of organizing human settlements and lining arrangements. Many of the built forms that came out of their thinking are thinking exist today and their ideas persist in the thinking of post-modenist planning. This has the effect of making it familar and predictable (Robins, 315). However, there was also a reworking and rejection of ideas and concepts of the modernism considered less desirable, such as the functional, style-less, mass production architecture and clean sweep utopian town planning (Punter, 22).
In the case of post-modernist planning, "pluralistic" and organic" strategies are sought for dealing with urban development. Under this "new" way of thinking, urban develpment is a "collage" of highly defferentiated spaces and attention is given to "other worlds" and "other voices". This is in contrast to habit under modernist thinking fo imposing plans based on functional zoning of different activities (to use the northern North American terminology) (Harvey, 40). Post-modernism aims for a return to the human scale, the re-creation of community, and venacular forms (Robins, 308). For some European followers of post-modernism incorportes the restoration and re-creation of traditional "classical" urban vlues, which includes the restoration of older urban fabric, the re-habilitation to new uses, and creation of new spaces that express traditional visions with modern technologies and materials (Harvey, 68). In short, post-modernism seeks to find ways to express the aesthetics of deversity.
DIFFERENCES BETWEEN MODERNISM AND POST-MODERNISM
The two approaches to planning discussed here are vividly different. Modernism is driven by universalizing forces whereas post-modernism seeks a return to differences and particularity (Robins, 303).
| MODERNIST | POST-MODERNIST |
|---|---|
| hierarchy | anarchy |
| design | chance |
| centering | dispersal |
| reason and rational science can find us the answerers | not possible, live with the incomprehensible |
| world is logical, orderly | not so, world is disorderly |
| objective truths via science | not so, are multiple interpretations |
| seriousness, depth, austere autonomy | superficiality, playfully embrace commerce, commodity, fashion, style (eg., playful reference to past architectural styles, juxtapose them |
Modernist ideas of planning and development tend to focus on large-scale, metropolitan wide, technologically rationalized, and efficient urban plans with no-frills architecture. Where modernism, in general, aspired to utopia, post-modernism is more rooted in the real world (Punter, 24). Post-modernism holds a conception of the urban fabric as being fragmented and a hodgepodge of past forms superimposed or overlain on each other. Urban design is sensitive to vernacular tradition, local histories, and customized architecture (Harvey, 66).
Modernism uses abstraction and functionalism whereas post-modernism seeks a renaissance of tradition and re-enactment of place (Robins, 306). Creating a sense of community is an important tenant of post-modern planning according to Mulgan. In addition, it can give identity to local cultures that were neglected un modernism (Robins, 306).
Goodchild has prepared an extensive chart of the differences between Modernism and Post-Modernism. Parts of it can be selected to highlight differences between these two approaches to planning.
| MODERNIST | POST-MODERNIST | |
|---|---|---|
| CONCEPTS OF THE CITY | the city as an object; as mass housing | the city as landscape, as an expression of social diversity |
| THEMES IN URBAN DESIGN | continued emphasis on lower densities and sunlight; functional zoning; mixed flats and housing | more diversity, more emphasis on local context, mixed land uses |
| THEMES IN STRATEGIC PLANNING | redevelopment of slums; controlled expansion through suburbs, new town and greenbelts | renewal and regeneration, containment |
| DECISION MAKING STYLE | comprehensive, either blueprint, "unitary" (1940's-1960's) or "adaptive" | piecemeal, "coping with conditions" |
Some key ideas on Post-Modernism are: diversity in the landscape, local context; renewal and regeneration, and coping with conditions.
Two built environments that exemplify the differences between Modernism and Post-Modernism, both in London, England, are the Royal Festival Hall and South Bank Centre versus the Docklands. The futurism of Royal Festival Hall contrasts with the nostalgia of more recent development in the Docklands.
PROBLEMS OF POST-MODERNISM PLANNING
As with Modernist planning, problems with Post-Modernist planning are becoming evident. In many respects, Post-Modernism appears to search for a "lost Golden Age". Granted, Modernist architecture stripped away ornamentation and the appearance of many buildings designed under Post-Modernism contain more textures, ornamentation, and colours. However, changes brought on by fanciful designs are superficial only.
The notion of community is important in Post-Modernist planning however, a monetary price comes with this. Traditional territorial community seem to be replaced by "lifestyle communities" available to those who can afford it. Further on the subject of community, it is debatable how localist Post-Modernism can be in an era of world-culture.
Lastly, the Post-Modern city is not necessarily an ideal city. Davies presents Los Angeles with its gangs and bizarre lifestyle and contrasting poverty and richness as the paradigm of the Post-Modern city.
IMPLICATIONS OF POST-MODERNISM FOR PLANNING
If Post-Modern planning is a reaction to the the perceived negative aspects of Modernist planning, than the differences between the two should bring out ways in which planning can be improved.
Planning under the modernist approach uses grand plans and the "big broom" or "clean sweep" approach to development. This implies that planning serves the interests capitalists and develpers as opposed to those with less power as only a select few can participate in the "major" schemes involved. Large-scale plans, development, and redevelopment activities can hardly be construed as being condusive to promoting the interests and wellbeing of those with less power as they are not in a postions to participate in the planning process and gain the benefits of the outcomes of modernist planning. The accomodation of a small-scale approach of post-modern planning, with its sensitivity to local interests and context human scale demands that planning encompse a wider range of interests.
A common complaint about the outcomes of modernist planning is that its inherent uniformity and universalization has led to rigidly uniform land use patterns with strict separation of different land uses and a monotonous landscape. Planning should not be the agent that brings this situarion but should work to counter this. There must therefore be the goal of facilitating an interesting and appealing urban built environment so that development is a "collage" of highly differentiated spaces, a mixture of land uses, and a divesity of landscape.
A theme in may texts is that post-modern planning has a sensitivity to vernacular tradition and local histories/context that modenist planning lacks. This lack of sensitivity is evident in its perchant for grand plans and demolition and clearing of lands to make way for new development. It comes across as being imposed from above rather than being derived locally.
A final complaint about modernist planning is that it fragments a city. By extension, it destroys communities. Following post-modern lines, planning is concerned with community and city building, regeneration, and re-newal. The sense of community that was lost under modernism is being brought back. Instead of demolishing according to the "bulldozer" approach, what already exists can be imporved. This method has the scope for leaving communities in place.
Post-Modernism holds several improvements for the practice of planning. Some key themes that planning should incoprorate in practive are sensitivity, inclusiveness, community building and small scall orientation. These points are rather obvious and are ones that planning should always be concerned with. Perhaps Post-Modernism has been useful in recapturing some aspects of planning that had fallen to the side.2006 Dubai International Award for Best Practices: Twelve Winners Announced
An independent jury of international experts met from 23-24 November 2006 and selected 12 winners for the 2006 Dubai International Award for Best Practices to Improve the Living Environment. The jury met in Palermo, Italy during the meeting of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership of Local and Regional Authorities. The selection was made from a list of 48 initiatives, short-listed out of 715 submissions. The winners were all deemed to have made outstanding contributions to improving the quality of life in cities and communities.
An independent Technical Advisory Committee, had earlier reviewed 690 qualifying submissions, and drawn up a short list of 48 initiatives which were then forwarded to the jury to select the winners. The jury, chaired by Mr. Abdulkarim Bangura, a national of Sierra Leone, professor at American University in Washington DC, an author and development consultant, based their decisions on criteria of tangible impact, partnership, and sustainability. They also took into account considerations of leadership and community empowerment, gender equality and social inclusion, and innovations that can be replicated. Starting with the 2006 cycle, two additional practices were added to the traditional 10. This is in order to dedicate at least two awards to best practice transfers.
The winners are:
- Village of Hope - Rwanda; [addressing HIV/AIDS, women’s right to shelter, culture of peace], RWA130_06
- Job Creation Through Restoration of Historic Centres of Palestine; PLS243_06
- Ahmedabad Slum Networking Programme – India; IND610_06
- Urban Management and Participative Governance: Neiva’s Commune – Colombia; COL341_06
- Talisay Rivers for Environmental and Economic Sustainability Project; PHL030_06
- Sustainable Solid Waste Management Program in the city of Carhuaz and the School of Planning and Environmental Municipal Management – Peru; PER673_06
- Parla’s Citizen’s Forum –Spain; ESP427_06
- Mise en Place d’une équipe de 1200 femmes pour assurer le balayage manuel des voies urbaines à Ougadougou - Burkina Faso; ["Green Brigade" cleaning Ougadougou]; BFA721_06
- Hatien, Habitats, Handbags – Vietnam; [saving a wetland] VTM385_06
- Chaîne des foyers Saint Nicodeme – Cameroon; [addressing problem of street children] CMR048_06
History of planning
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Urban_planning
Friday, 15 December 2006
Woodlands laid waste
Intense tree-felling in the forests of Wicklow and Dublin has created a Chernobyl-like landscape, writes Paul Cullen
If you go down to the woods today, you're sure of a big surprise - especially if you visit the forests of south Dublin and Wicklow now approaching maturity.
Almost overnight, it seems, vast swathes of trees have been chopped down, their timber harvested by mammoth tree-felling machines that can topple a 100-foot tree, shave off its branches and toss the remaining trunk to one side within seconds, as though it were a matchstick.
The change in the landscape evokes conflicting feelings. On the one hand, the oppressive gloom of our conifer forests has been lifted somewhat, with new vistas of the mountains opened up where before the trees obscured the view.
Anyone familiar with Ticknock, just south of the M50, over the past 30 years, would hardly recognise the place today, with so many trees removed. Down in Co Wicklow, mass felling under Djouce mountain has opened up pleasant views of Powerscourt waterfall and the mountains above it.
But there is a considerable downside, as anyone who has passed by a site that has recently been clear-felled will know. Think Chernobyl, the worst kind of post-nuclear landscape without the radiation, all grey and broken and bleak. Utterly impassable terrain filled with tree-stumps and treacherous pools, too toxic for anything but moss and lichens to flourish in.
Eventually, foresters do get around to planting new trees in the felled area, but little is done to remediate the terrain and the new saplings are simply planted in between the ghostly stumps of their predecessors.
Of course, trees, once planted, grow and eventually die. But what makes the problem acute in Irish forests is that so many trees were planted at the same time, about 30-40 years ago, and so are due for felling today at the same time. Also, there is little variation in species; the fast-growing Sitka spruce and a handful of other conifers dominate nearly everywhere. As a result, huge areas are being clear-felled at present.
While the practice has prompted widespread comment among walkers, bikers and other recreational users of the hills, Dundrum vet Mark D'Alton decided to do something about it.
"When I saw what happened in Ticknock, that really got me going. So I stuck up signs and posted messages on websites looking for people who were equally concerned." It didn't prove difficult to find like-minded people, concerned not just about clear-felling but also about the preservation of the hills as a precious recreational amenity for the people of the capital.
Out of D'Alton's solo run has grown the Dublin Mountains Initiative (DMI), a coalition of interest groups dedicated to the creation of a recreational park in the Dublin hills, a kind of playground for the city's citizens.
"We found Coillte very positive to deal with. They agreed to reduce the amount of felling in the area by over half. We feel that issue is out of the way now and it's time to move on," says D'Alton.
"The Dublin mountains are a huge resource, but they're hugely under- utilised. Very few capital cities have mountains as close as we do.
People are starting to live on top of each other - literally, for example, in apartment blocks - like they never did before, and they are going to need an outlet. The mountains are there to be used, but this has to be done sensitively."
WHILE THE DIN of the traffic from the M50 gets louder every year, and the trail of planning application notices on green fields draws ever closer, the hills can still be a surprisingly empty place. Walk the rutted trails from Three Rock mountain to Kilmashogue on an afternoon in mid-week and you're likely to have the place to yourself and the local deer.
D'Alton's group, which includes organisations representing walkers, bikers, hill-runners, orienteers and scouts, would like to see the area traversed by walking and cycling trails suitable for all types of user, including the disabled, with educational routes for children.
Access car parks would be properly sited and equipped and new public transport links would open up the hills to people without cars. Park rangers would patrol the area and a Dublin Way would be created to link up to the long- established Wicklow Way.
The DMI says there are well- established examples of recreational parks near urban areas in cities such as Adelaide in Australia, or Vancouver, Canada. "If
we get it right here, this will provide a template for action in other parts of Ireland."
The group may be pushing an open door. With 18 million visits to its forests each year, Coillte is only too aware of the recreational demands on its properties. It and the local authorities in south Co Dublin and Co Wicklow are also familiar with the anti-social activities increasingly besetting the mountains; these include litter,
fly- tipping, car break-ins, illegal long-term camping and unauthorised use by mountain-bikes, scramblers and even quad bikes.
Earlier this year, Dún Laoghaire/ Rathdown and South Dublin county councils, Coillte, together with the DMI and the National Parks and Wildlife Service (NPWS), got together to examine ways of improving access and facilities in the hills.
As a first step, the group has commissioned a study to draw up a fully costed 10-year strategy for the area. Efforts will be made to encourage Dublin Bus to provide more links to the hills and a voluntary ranger corps may be set up.
"It's an exciting proposal with great promise, but unless we get everyone on board we won't be able to unlock the potential of the area," says Bill Murphy, recreation manager of Coillte.
While the plan will cover the State-owned lands between Shankill and the Hellfire Club, Murphy hopes it might be possible to negotiate some limited rights of way with private landowners. This would enable sections of Co Wicklow that are currently on the public road to be made safer by moving them onto green ways, for example.
He looks with envy at the UK, where there is a right to roam and the forest trails are only one part of a nationwide network of trails.
"Here, the only place to go is Coillte or NPWS lands. It's just something we have inherited."
WHILE FARMERS FREQUENTLY cite worries over liability for injuries to walkers crossing their land as a worry, Murphy believes this issue is "over-hyped" given the legal situation.
In spite of the popularity of its forests for walking and other activities, it receives few claims, perhaps because it signals a willingness to contest these in court if necessary.
Many of the uses made of the mountain are conflicting, pitting man against nature, and user against other user.
Walkers erode the bog by forging tracks and cyclists, scramblers and quad-drivers make the damage much worse by further degrading and widening the paths.
However, efforts are now being made to provide dedicated facilities for specific users; specific trails for mountain-bikers are being developed at Ballinastoe and Kindlestown woods, in cooperation with that community.
NOT EVERYONE IS enthusiastic about the new initiative. Roger Garland of the access group Keep Ireland Open likens it to "grandma's apple pie".
"No one's opposed to it but it won't do anything to make the legal situation on access any clearer."
Garland says the State should go a stage further and acquire the mountain land for a national park. He also says Coillte should replace its forests with broadleaf trees.
Murphy says Coillte is making efforts to "remodel" its forests in the long-term, so that no more than 2 per cent of the trees would be cut down in any year and there would be a greater variety of species.The existing trees can't be left there "forever" because they would blow down.
He says the Dublin hills are too high for broadleaf trees to flourish.
"It's pretty bleak up there, and windy too. Oak won't go, and sycamore isn't a native species. We have to balance our growth as a company with our timber needs and the recreational needs of people."
Tree-felling, although it may leave behind a stark terrain, releases valuable nutrients into the soil, which eventually recovers, he maintains.
• For information on the National Parks and Wildlife Service, see www.npws.ie. See details on Coillte and Ireland's forests at www.coillte.ie
Magazine on ancient discoveries launched by NRA
A new magazine detailing the latest discoveries by the National Roads Authority's (NRA) archaeological team was launched yesterday.
Seanda, the first annual archaeology magazine produced by the NRA, was launched in Dublin by Minister for Transport Martin Cullen.
The magazine features some of the main sites and artefacts found by the NRA's archaeological team over the years. The NRA spends close to €20 million on uncovering and excavating archaeological sites each year; several hundred sites have been discovered so far in 2006.
"There's 170,000 known archaeological sites in the country and that really is the tip of the iceberg," said Dáire O'Rourke, head of archaeology at the NRA, yesterday. "We can find a major archaeological site, maybe one every five kilometres and smaller sites - maybe one every one to two kilometres," she said.
Ms O'Rourke said the magazine serves as a "snapshot" of the sites that have been uncovered in the last year, which include prehistoric settlements and burial grounds. "What we try to do is to identify archaeological sites and then excavate them in advance of construction," she said.
Along the proposed M3 Clonee- North of Kells motorway, early medieval sites, a 13th-century ring brooch and a 19th-century post office were
discovered. Ninety-four archaeological sites were uncovered along the proposed M7 Portlaoise- Castletown and M8 Portlaoise- Cullahill motorway.
Another find featured in the magazine is of about 1,200 skeletons at a cemetery thought to have been in use between the 13th and 15th centuries at Ballyhanna, outside Ballyshannon, Co Donegal. The discovery was made during the building of the N15 Bundoran-Ballyshannon bypass in 2004. A three-year research project, between Donegal County Council, the NRA, Queen's University Belfast and Sligo IT, has been set up to examine the findings.
Seanda is free and will be sent to schools, libraries and local authorities.
Island eyes 2007 drilling targets
ISLAND Oil & Gas has announced details of its proposed 2007 drilling programme which, it said, will focus primarily upon pre-development drilling in the Old Head of Kinsale gasfield and further drilling to evaluate the gas potential in and around the Schull gasfield.
Island has several other targets offshore Ireland which it says might be drilled next year.
Ronan’s burning losses
ANNOYING John Magnier is a foolish business – just ask Alex Ferguson. Enfer millionaire Louis Ronan – who was at the centre of a bitter row over a planned incinerator near Cashel – has also found out for himself.
Avglade Ltd, which owns National By-Products, the meat-rendering company behind the controversial incinerator plan, is carrying accumulated losses of a whopping €25m. This follows an awful 2005 during which it lost nearly €12m when sales dropped by a third. Ronan owns 86% of the company and his brothers, David and John, have 2% each, while Nicholas Tierney owns the balance.
Ronan brought down Magnier’s wrath when National By-Products announced plans for an incinerator in Rosegreen near Cashel, down the road from Magnier’s Coolmore Stud and trainer Aidan O’Brien’s Ballydoyle Stables. An Bord Pleanála was inundated with objections as Magnier and O’Brien led the opposition to the project. Ronan eventually backed off and National By- Products no longer trades. National By-Products is one of a number of Avglade companies but as the accounts don’t break down turnover, it’s impossible to accurately attribute the individual losses. Significantly, auditors P.F. Leonard & Associates note that the directors are to hold an extraordinary general meeting “to review its financial situation.”
Coolmore stud opposes animal waste facility
A planning application for a major new animal waste processing facility, which will process up to 250,000 tonnes of animal and organic waste a year into biodiesel, gas and fertiliser, is to be lodged with Tipperary South County Council later today.
In what is expected to be a long planning process, the proposed plant will be located at a controversial site of a disused rendering facility, which was also the location of an aborted attempt five years ago to build a meat and bonemeal incinerator.
The country's top stud farm group, Coolmore, is to object to the facility, which is being proposed close to its operations in south Tipperary. The site at Castleblake near Rosegreen between Cashel and Clonmel, is adjacent to Coolmore's Ballydoyle stables, which is operated by champion trainer Aidan O'Brien.
The development is being promoted by Green Organics Energy (GOE), a joint venture company owned by Dawn Meats, National Toll Roads subsidiary Bioverda, and National Byproducts owned by the Ronan family.
Yesterday, a spokeswoman for Coolmore, owned by millionaire businessman John Magnier, confirmed that Coolmore and Ballydoyle would be objecting to the facilities, but declined at this stage to comment on the details of the group's objections.
Coolmore and Ballydoyle combined with local activists to mount a successful campaign against a proposed incinerator for the site when it was granted planning permission in 2002.
National Byproducts, owned by the well-known local Ronan family, which operated a rendering facility at the site for 40 years, withdrew its proposals following a major publicity campaign and the instigation of a High Court case by Ballydoyle. Coolmore and Ballydoyle mounted the campaign because of concerns about the potential impact of the proposed incinerator on its stud farm and training operations.
The earlier campaign focused on the previous environmental record of the prior facility, which had been the subject of a number of prosecutions by the Environmental Protection Agency.
Yesterday, GOE said the proposed new plant would operate to strict standards laid down by the planning authorities and the EPA. If built, it will be one of the largest waste processing facilities in the country, and will process a similar amount of waste to that of an incinerator.
The plant will use a process of rendering to turn animal byproducts such as offal into biodiesel and other oils. A process of anaerobic digestion will also be used on a mixture of green waste and animal offal byproducts.
The resulting gas will be used to power a small electricity generation plant which will contribute 15 megawatts of electricity to the national grid. A further 20,000 tonnes of fertiliser will also be produced from the process.
John Mullins, speaking as the head of the GOE venture, said the Castleblake site had been chosen as it had "50 years' experience as an industrial site".
He said the whole process was aimed at generating products and energy from products that are now being incinerated.
Mr Mullins said local concerns about the facility were being taken on board and that the company had already undertaken wide consultation with local groups. "We've consulted with the local people, including politicians and the Coolmore interests as well," Mr Mullins said.
The Coolmore group is estimated to have a turnover in excess of €100 million. It is considered to be the most successful stud operations in the world, with its stallion Sadler's Wells having been champion sire on 14 separate occasions.
Court date now looming for Georgian piles
THE sale of two historic Georgian houses, which are potentially worth millions, for just €1 each has landed Dublin City Council in the High Court.
Number 3 and Number 14 Henrietta Street, Dublin, are among the most historically important Georgian properties in Ireland.
Six years ago Dublin City Council made a Compulsory Purchase Order (CPO) on the two houses under Section 22 of the 1999 Planning and Development Act, which allows the council to seize abandoned or neglected buildings.
But Marie Underwood - a Dalkey-based property owner - came forward to claim the two historic properties as hers and dispute the council's right to take them over. Now the matter is heading for the High Court.
"Basically the owner wants her houses back. Dublin City Council took a compulsory purchase order [CPO] on the two properties because they were in, from what I can understand, a pretty poor condition. The CPO notices were issued between transitional legislation that was no longer valid, so the owners are contesting it on a variety of grounds including constitutional," explains Donough Cahill of the Irish Georgian Society.
Since 2000 the matter has remained unresolved and in the meantime the council advertised the properties for sale at €1 each - with a condition that the new owners restore the houses to their original 1700s splendour.
The costly restoration would require the use of original techniques and materials such as oak roof joists, lime plaster and salvaged bricks. Conservation architects who are working on a nearby house on Henrietta Street estimate that it would cost €4m per house to restore them to their original grandeur.
Under the Derelict Sites Act, 1990, and newer legislation governing dangerous buildings, the local authority can get an order against the title-holder of a building, which can lead to statutory proceedings to get ownership. Urgent remedial repairs can be made by the local authority, for which the owner gets billed.
Alternatively, depending upon the individual circumstances, the owner may lose his house altogether.
"It all began in 2000 when it was thought advisable under Section 22 of the Planning and Development Act, 1999, to take a Compulsory Purchase Order to save the buildings. In 2001 we got approval from the Minister for the Environment, culminating in March 2002, when we took ownership," explained Al Devine, a spokesman for Dublin City Council.
"However, Marie Underwood, who owned the buildings, took proceedings and is contesting the CPO. The case is waiting to be heard in the High Court," he added.
The case is expected to be heard in the spring.
Marie Underwood and her late husband, Ivor Underwood, owned up to 70 historic Georgian properties in Dublin which they bought in the Sixties when developers and speculators were buying them up for demolition.
Henrietta Street, named after the Duchess of Grafton, dates from the 1720s and was laid out by Luke Gardiner, who is credited with turning Dublin into an elegant Georgian city.
The houses on the street are considered the finest examples of Georgian architecture ever built.
Locals protest at huge growth of Kenmare
A MAJOR protest against what is described as the overdevelopment of Kenmare — one of Kerry’s fastest growing towns — is planned for tomorrow.
At the centre of the latest controversy is the multi-million euro Peninsula project, which includes more than 300 houses, a large shopping area and a 200-space car park.
The project has been refused planning permission by Kerry County Council and an appeal has been lodged with An Bord Pleanála.
Local business people Peter and Fiona O’Sullivan and Neidín Developments, which is owned by a number of property developers in the area, are behind the development.
Kenmare Chamber of Commerce yesterday claimed existing infrastructure is under severe pressure and could not cope with a massive increase in development in the area.
“Only last year the town suffered all summer from the vile smell of raw sewage coming from the treatment system which was unable to operate to the capacity needed. The situation seriously affected the tourist season with horrified visitors leaving the town,” a chamber statement said.
“In the last 10 years the traffic congestion in Kenmare has intensified to the point of gridlock in peak season. There is a serious shortage of parking, areas for coach drop-off, and the ability to implement proper traffic flow conditions.”
The chamber said Kenmare people were not against development, but maintained the council’s resources were already too stretched to cater for the enormous increase in development in Kenmare.
Last summer, more than 300 people attended a meeting on the issue. People are again asked to attend tomorrow’s protest. Objectors argue Kenmare does not need the additional retail development of the size proposed.
They also say that such a development would add to the town’s traffic problems.
Developers say the traffic situation is related to on-street parking and would be eased by removing traffic from the street.
Neidín Development have also indicated their willingness to work with a committee set up by local residents.
Wind farm claims are a lot of hot air
MOST wind farms are failing to produce as much electricity as predicted, according to a new independent study.
The damning report just published has been seized on by anti-wind farm groups claiming that giant farms are a waste of time and money and destroying scenic views.
They are now planning to contest key constituencies affected by dozens of giant turbines higher than the Spire of Dublin in the looming general election.
The British report, by the Renewable Energy Foundation, says many parts of the countryside are simply not windy enough to allow turbines to work efficiently.
The Renewable Energy Foundation is a charity set up to compare the efficiency of alternative energy technologies.
Its new report is being taken seriously because the foundation is recognised as an independent scientific body with no axe to grind. It based its study on more than 500 turbines currently in operation.
It found that wind farms in Wales are running at just 23.8 capacity and in Cornwall at 24.1pc. Other areas showed similar performances. The only area which hit the target was Southern Scotland.
State's climate change performance 'atrocious'
Carbon trading allowances to be bought by Ireland over a five-year period account for less than the equivalent of one second of all global greenhouse gas emissions, according to Minister for the Environment Dick Roche.
But Green Party leader Trevor Sargent said the emissions could be the equivalent of 20 hours a year. He criticised Ireland's climate change performance as "atrocious" and fourth worst in the world per capita after the US, Australia and New Zealand.
They were speaking during the introduction of the Carbon Fund Bill, which provides for the purchase by the State of €270 million in carbon allowances between 2008 and 2012.
Mr Roche said that "the purchase of carbon credits is a legitimate, practical and logical option under the Kyoto Protocol". If there was an absolute cap on carbon emissions, this would require every industry to cut emissions to a pre-determined figure. "While this idea has clear merit, it also has cost implications which, in the Irish case, would be ruinous for many businesses."
The Minister said he met representatives from the Irish pharmaceutical sector which, they said, directly employs 24,000 people and exports goods to the value of €40 billion, with a further 20,000 to 30,000 people employed in related areas.
The sector incurs significant energy costs and is part of the trading system, but it would face a perilous future if we were to introduce more restrictive measures."
Mr Sargent said, however, that when "we describe ourselves as being part of the European project and so forth, we are about twice the EU average as regards carbon emissions". Then "we try to present Ireland as a clean and green country. Long may that brand work for us, but it is not helped by the reality of our climate change failure."
Fine Gael's environment spokesman, Fergus O'Dowd, said "the reality is that unless all of us make fundamental changes in our homes, our lifestyle, where we work, how we go to work and where we live, we will not deal successfully with the issue of climate change."
And it was "disingenuous of the Minister to suggest that regardless of how bad our emissions are in Ireland, they are only minuscule in terms of the world's emissions".
Labour spokesman Eamon Gilmore said that "Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats Party never took Kyoto seriously. It took them three years to produce a national climate change strategy, which they then ignored".
He added: "With just over five years to go until the 2012 deadline, Ireland is now 23-26 per cent above the 1990 level, depending on whose figures one takes."
Sinn Féin spokesman Arthur Morgan said it "is a pure stunt for the Minister to try to convince members that the purchase of a further €270 million worth of
carbon allowances constitutes an environmental measure. This is a cost that taxpayers should not be obliged to bear.
"Had we acted to cut emissions, we would not be forced to purchase such allowances."
Irish energy use and CO2 emissions "recoupled"
http://www.sei.ie/index.asp?locID=670&docID=927, centrist party
Fine Gael
http://www.finegael.ie/news/index.cfm/type/details/nkey/30066/pkey/653/
and the Irish green party
http://www.greenparty.ie/news/latest_news/emissions_worsening_artic_melting_ireland_in_crisis.
Thursday, 14 December 2006
Cullen launches new archaeology publication - Seanda
Transport Minister, Martin Cullen, T.D. has launched a new archaeology magazine produced by the National Roads Authority (NRA) called Seanda. The magazine will be published annually and will be free of charge. The Minister also launched a series of brochures and posters under the NRA's Archaeology Discoveries series.
Seanda, meaning antiquity or 'the ancient past', relates findings of archaeological investigations which are funded by the NRA under their national road programme. It carries special features as well as news articles on various aspects of the findings. The first edition of the 73 page publication carries some 30 articles, supported with relevant charts, maps and photographs.
The new posters and brochures which form part of an Archaeology Discoveries series, cover archaeological sites discovered in counties Carlow, Cork, Dublin, Kildare, Longford, Louth, Meath, Westmeath, Waterford, Wicklow and Wexford. They add to a collection produced by the NRA last year.
At today's launch at the Royal Irish Academy, Minister Cullen said: "I warmly welcome the publication of Seanda and the new brochures and posters in the Archaeology Discoveries series. Taken together they form an important point of reference for anyone interested in the rich heritage uncovered by the national roads programme in recent times. These publications represent important additions to the growing catalogue of archaeological literature now available from the NRA. Artefacts uncovered by archaeologists can help determine the wealth of a community, an individual or a neighbourhood. The origin of objects found on the landscape can tell us about trade networks and provide an insight into daily living patterns of an earlier people. It is vitally important from both a historical and educational viewpoint, that we can access clear information - like the images, photographs and feature articles provided in these publications - about the archaeological investigations undertaken as part of our national roads-building programme".
Minister Cullen welcomed the fact that Seanda will be supplied to public libraries and secondary schools in addition to archaeological and heritage societies. "As we are progressing in delivering major national road projects throughout the country, a number of archaeological discoveries have been found which offer us a most interesting and intriguing insight into our past. A distant past that is part of what has formed us and will continue to be the core of our heritage for every generation to come", he concluded.
To access the Seanda publication and the Archaeology Discoveries brochures please link to www.nra.ie.
Ireland to provide €5.73 Million funding to Global Environment Facility
Roche Gives Green Light for Phase 1 of the Arklow Water Supply Scheme
Interesting links to US New Urban sites
http://www.newurbanguild.com/foundation/foundry.html
This is the link to the New Urban Guild Tool Foundry, which is a growing collection of
free downloadable tools that are either planning- or architecture-related. More tools are
on the way... I add them every chance I get.
http://www.newurbanguild.com/resources/planning.html
This is the planning articles page on the Guild site... again, more will be added over
time.
http://www.katrinacottages.com/
This is what we've been spending most of the last year on: developing Katrina Cottages in
response to Hurricane Katrina. While not specifically planning-related, Katrina Cottages
do have planning implications by delivering small, high-quality manufactured housing
units in a combination of quality and price never before seen in the States.
Please let me know if there are any questions.
Thanks!
Steve
****************
Stephen A. Mouzon, AIA CNU LEED
The New Urban Guild
http://www.newurbanguild.com
http://www.katrinacottages.com
steve@newurbanguild.com
1253 Washington Avenue, Suite 222
Miami Beach, FL 33139
Wednesday, 13 December 2006
Useful urban design links
I was asked yesterday to recommend some useful urban design links. Here's some:
1. Resource for Urban Design Information: http://www.rudi.net/bookshelf/ej/udq/78/case1-udq78.shtml
2. Urban Design Group: http://www.udg.org.uk/?section_id=1
3. Irish Architecture online: http://www.archeire.com/news/2000/000197.htm
4. Royal Town Planning Institute: http://www.rtpi.org.uk/
5. Urban Design Alliance: http://www.udal.org.uk/
6. Arcosanti – an urban laboratory? http://www.arcosanti.org/
7.
8. Cyburbia – the urban Planning portal: http://www.cyburbia.org/
9. Congress for the New Urbanism: http://www.cnu.org/
10. New Urbanism: http://www.newurbanism.org/pages/416429/index.htm
11. MIT Urban Design course: http://ocw.mit.edu/OcwWeb/Urban-Studies-and-Planning/11-001JFall2001/LectureNotes/detail/lec1.htm
12. Disney’s New Urban Community at Celebration in
13. URBANE: Urban Resource Base for Analysis and Networked Education
http://www.clr.utoronto.ca/PRECEDENTS/URBANE/
14. Project for public spaces: http://pps.org/
15. Hafencity Hamburg: http://hafencity.com/html/info_uk.html
Online document:
By Design, Urban Design in the Planning System
http://www.odpm.gov.uk/stellent/groups/odpm_planning/documents/page/odpm_plan_605981-08.hcsp
Irish urban design documents:
1. Cork Docklands: http://www.corkcorp.ie/docklands/pdf/urban30_40.pdf
2. Ballymun Regeneration: http://www.brl.ie/pdf/page28.pdf
3.
5. Ballinamore Urban Framework Plan 2003: http://www.leitrimcoco.ie/Services/Planning/urbanFramework/137_Ballinamore_CH3Final.pdf
6. A Future for Temple Bar, Urban Framework Plan 2004: http://www.temple-bar.ie/media/download/UFP_2004.pdf
7.
8.
9. The Reflecting City: www.reflectingcity.com
10. Future of Towns & Villages in Ireland Architecture, planning, & Engineering where to next? http://www.riai.ie/futuretowns/notes.htm
11. Manorhamilton Urban Framework Plan: http://www.leitrimcoco.ie/Services/Planning/urban.htm
12. Carlow 800: http://www.countycarlow.ie/services/reportspublications/reports/0Carlow800_Cover_and_Content.pdf
Tuesday, 12 December 2006
Dublin City Biodiversity Action Plan 2007-2010 - Public Consultation
All stakeholders including members of the public, communities, non-government organisations, businesses, clubs, societies etc. are invited to comment on the production and content of the Biodiversity Action Plan for Dublin city. This public consultation will run from Monday 27th November 2006 to Monday 15th January 2007. Stakeholders will then be invited to comment on a draft plan in the New Year, with a view to launching the final document in April 2007.
The term biodiversity refers to our natural heritage. It means the diversity of life forms and natural processes. It includes the diversity of landscapes, habitats, all species, wild and cultivated, and even diversity at the sub species level at varieties or breeds. It includes natural processes that people can influence positively and negatively. Therefore the biodiversity plan for the city should identify positive actions, improve quality of life and benefit both people and wildlife throughout the city.
The production of the Dublin City Biodiversity Action Plan is an action of the Dublin City Heritage Plan 2002-2006, and is partially funded by the Heritage Council.
- Dublin City Biodiversity Plan 2007-2010 (442 KB (452,989 bytes))
- Dublin City Biodiversity Plan (Gaeilge) 2007-2010 (467 KB (478,559 bytes))
Rogue developers to be tackled by Section 35
Variations to Cork City Council's Development Plan 2004 (December 12 2006)
I had a question this morning about the Variations to the Cork City Council Development Plan 2004. Here’s the details:
Notice of Proposed Variation (No. 3) of
Planning and Development Acts 2000 - 2002
Notice of Proposed Variation (No. 3) of
Notice is hereby given that Cork City Council, in accordance with the powers conferred on it by Section 13 of the Planning & Development Act 2000 hereby gives notice that it has prepared a Proposed Variation No. 3 of Cork City Development Plan 2004 (pdf document 1,745 KB).
Views and Prospects - Variation 3
The Variation aims to identify, protect and preserve various views around
A copy of the proposed variation may be inspected at the locations listed below at the stated times during the period between the 22nd November to
Written submissions or observations with respect to the proposed variation may be made to the Planning Authority during the period of Wednesday 22nd November to
Kevin Terry, Director of Services & City Engineer,
Planning & Development Directorate,
Navigation House, Albert Quay,
All written submissions received by
Monday, 11 December 2006
RIAI launches new policy on Universal access to Buildings
The RIAI calls on building owners and developers to engage with architects in developing buildings which meet the highest European and international standards in accessibility
The Royal Institute of the Architects of Ireland (RIAI) has launched a new policy on ensuring that everybody – no matter what their level of ability or disability is – can access buildings. The launch took place on 3 December 2006 to mark International Day for People with Disabilities.
€500,000 funding for conservation work at St. Patrick's Cathedral
The Minister said that "St. Patrick's Cathedral is a place of outstanding cultural significance". "Its architecture, history, liturgy, music and traditions combine to make it one of the most important historic structures in Ireland" continued the Minister.
The Minister said that "In 2006, my Department has also provided significant continued funding for projects at a number of important heritage properties held in trust or private ownership including Christchurch Cathedral, Dublin; the Cathedral Church of the Most Holy Trinity, Waterford; Fota House; Westport House; Headfort House, Kells; and Russborough House". The Minister also highlighted that "Local authority projects in respect of the town walls in Waterford City and Duckett's Grove, Co. Carlow are being supported".
Iarnrod Eireann has revived plans for a €125 million office development at Tara Street Station
Gunpowder and conservation in Cork Harbour
Planning for bush fires - a nice warm Xmas
Planning for bushfire protection
To protect life and property from the threat of bushfires, the Department, in partnership with the NSW Rural Fire Service has introduced a comprehensive framework for planning and development.
Legislative changes
On 1 August 2002, the Rural Fires and Environmental Assessment Legislation Amendment Act 2002 commences. This Act amends both the Environmental Planning and Assessment Act 1979 and the Rural Fires Act 1997 to provide a stronger, more streamlined system for planning for bushfire protection.
The changes affect councils currently required to prepare Bush Fire Risk Management Plans under the Rural Fires Act 1997. The changes cover hazard reduction activities as well as planning and development control matters on land that is identified as being prone to bushfire.
Planning advice
Advisory Note (pdf file) explains the changes to planning and development control provisions
Bushfire Protection Practice Note provides councils, developers and consultants with a practical tool to apply the new bushfire reforms to planning and development assessment and includes hyperlinks to relevant legislation and websites.
Planning for Bushfire Protection 2001 (1.2 MB pdf file) provides councils and developers with detailed information on bushfire protection from plan-making to development design, development control, construction certificates, and property maintenance.
Key features include:
- identification of bushfire-prone areas
- planning principles to be considered when councils are rezoning
- latest hazard assessment method to work out appropriate setbacks
- location of developments in areas of bushfire hazard based on latest CSIRO research on bushfire behaviour
- appropriate level of building construction relevant to setback distances
- special setback distances for special use developments (such as aged care facilities).
Section 117(2) Direction G20 - Planning for Bushfire Protection (pdf file) complements the legislative changes. The Minister for Planning has directed councils to consult NSW Rural Fire Service when preparing draft local environmental plans for land identified as being bushfire prone, and comply with specific provisions in Planning for Bushfire Protection 2001.
Minister Roche record levels of almost €950m General Funding for Local Authorities for 2007
Sunday, 10 December 2006
Neighbourhood Noise Bill
DECIBEL hell - the cacophony of noise from alarms, loud music and other aural irritants - was firmly in the political firing line yesterday.
The Green Party promised to be not only good for the environment, but also for your ears. It pledged to take action to put peace and quiet back into everyday life.
The party placed noise pollution at the top of its agenda along with other forms of pollution, announcing a private members' Bill for the Autumn that would crack down on the clamour no-one wants to hear.
Penalties
The Bill, while certain to be defeated by the combined might of the Government parties, would impose new penalties and controls and beef up the ranks of noise inspectors. It will also form a key plank of the Greens' election manifesto.
Noise control officers would be hired by every local authority in the country if the Greens get into Government next year. They would be charged with taking immediate action once a complaint has been received from the public.
"They will have the powers to take action 24 hours a day, seven days a week," said party leader Trevor Sargent, who claimed the Noise Police would be largely financed by the revenue they generate from fines.
Such a force would provide "a clear and effective remedy for noise from building sites, car alarms, helicopters, noisy neighbours, barking dogs and outdoor events," Mr Sargent said.
The Greens' Neighbourhood Noise Bill seeks to simplify and enhance the tackling of noise pollution.
"Existing legislation deals with only certain types of environmental noise and involves a range of bodies as well as the courts," Mr Sargent said.
Environment spokesperson Ciaran Cuffe added: "All of us have experienced problems with neighbourhood noise at some point in our lives, yet noise hasn't received the same attention as other forms of pollution."
Under existing rules, different agencies are responsible for dealing with noise from different sources, he pointed out. "Barking dogs are dealt with by local authority dog control officers, loud music by environmental health officers and the Irish Aviation Authority is responsible for noise from low-flying helicopters."
The Green Party also intends to tighten up regulations to reduce noise pollution at a more commercial level.
Local authorities and bodies have to draw up noise maps and agree action plans, but do not provide meaningful timetables or incentives to achieve it, Mr Sargent said.
If you are intersted, the Bill is available for download at: http://www.oireachtas.ie/viewdoc.asp?fn=/documents/bills28/bills/2006/5606/b5606d.pdf
Lansdowne redevelopment - the main oral hearing issues
The main concerns over the proposed redevelopment of
A large number of residents and residents associations have appealed this decision. Here are the main points, as detailed by John Gormley of the Green Party.
Height of proposed stadium
The planner’s report makes it clear that the height and scale of the proposed stadium was a major issue of concern for residents and others who submitted observations. This was a key issue in my own observation, in which I proposed alternatives whereby the height could be reduced by incorporating the back pitch into the stadium area, and by scaling back the conference and hospitality facilities proposed.
Dublin City Council (DCC) asked the applicant to explore alternatives such as suggested above, but the applicant declined to do so for various reasons. Despite this, DCC agreed to accept the design as originally submitted. In my view, on-site alternatives to the original design were not adequately explored, and DCC should not have accepted the applicant’s contention that there was no alternative to a stadium of the proposed height.
It has been shown that the height of the stadium is out of proportion to its seating capacity, when compared with similar modern stadiums in
The planner’s report acknowledges that the height of the stadium gives rise to negative visual impacts, especially for neighbouring residents, as well as overshadowing effects. Residents should not have to suffer these adverse effects in order to allow the applicant to obtain more space for commercial activity such as corporate hospitality and conferences.
On this point I should also note an error in the planner's report, in which it is stated that my original observation on the planning application suggested lowering the pitch as a means of reducing the height of the stadium. This suggestion was not made in my observation – I referred to achieving a "lower profile" for the stadium by scaling back conference facilities and/or incorporating the back pitch. Lowering the pitch would require a great deal of additional excavation, with consequent nuisance for residents, extended construction time and additional emissions from trucks carrying earth from the site. I would like the Board to note that this is not an option I put forward in my original observation.
Demolition of
The EIS acknowledges that the demolition of
While I would acknowledge the need for a number of safe access and egress
Points to the stadium, it does not appear that the Conservation Officer's request for the applicant to seek alternative arrangements has been seriously explored.
The planning authority in this case seems to have accepted at face value that no alternative to the demolition of
Flooding
Flooding is a serious issue to be considered in any development adjacent to the Dodder. I am pleased to note that the applicant developed options for future flood control measures in response to a request from Dublin City Council. However, I am concerned that no definite flood defence arrangements have been agreed prior to the granting of planning permission. Although the applicant will have to secure the agreement of Dublin City Council for flood defences before Commencing development, the public will not have an opportunity to review these plans and make submissions. The Board should require that the flood defence measures be finalised and made available for public comment before permission is granted.
Incorporation of Dodder Walkway
I remain opposed to the incorporation of part of the Dodder Walkway into the stadium development. The use of this strip of riverside walk as one of the main access and egress points for the stadium will inevitably and irreversibly alter the character of this section of the
Legal title
Having reviewed the appeals on file, it is clear that questions persist over the legal title to a number of plots of land included in the proposed site. The recent unfortunate situation in
Increased use of the stadium complex
A final area of concern, raised in my original objection, is that the redeveloped stadium will support a much wider range of uses than the existing stadium. The impact of such intensified use has not been adequately assessed in the application or in the planner's report. Although Dublin City Council has imposed a condition (No.12) which would result in the setting up of an Environmental Monitoring and Management Programme (EMMP) to address issues such as noise, litter and transport with a view to mitigating adverse impacts on residents, it has not imposed any conditions which would allow the level of activity in the stadium to be constrained in order to avoid such adverse impacts. It is not clear from condition 12 whether recommendations of the EMMP will be in any way binding on the applicant, or what powers the City Council will retain to enforce such recommendations.
In this light, it would be preferable if a condition of the permission explicitly set appropriate limits on the intensity of use of the stadium complex. Although the EMMP is a desirable measure, its powers to enforce recommendations should be specified in the appropriate condition.
An Bord Pleanala begins Lansdowne Road Oral Hearing today
bps planning consultants (www.buckplanning.ie) note that the oral hearing into the
Party 1:
Dr. Anne Twomey, (Appellant)
Party 2:
Lansdowne Road Stadium Development Company Ltd., (Applicant)
Party 3:
Lily O'Callaghan (Appellant)
Party 4:
Yvonne Yuen (Appellant)
Party 5:
Joseph Lawlor (Appellant)
Party 6:
And others (See Report)
An Environmental Impact Statement has been submitted.
The redevelopment of
See Port Tunnel
Port Tunnel run a big success
Everyone should keep their medal and number; these will surely be collector's items in the years to come.
Friday, 8 December 2006
New report says Bull doze England ...
Illegal fuel dumping costs council 1.1m
ILLEGAL dumping of waste fuel has cost a local authority an estimated 1.1 million.
A report on the dumping of a diesel wash is to be presented by Monaghan County Council at a local authority meeting on Monday. The report outlines the scale of the dumping, and points out that it has been unable to take legal action against anyone.
Diesel wash is a by-product of the illegal processing of marked gas oil, which is normally used for home heating or agricultural machinery. Concentrated sulphuric acid is added to the gas oil, removing the dye. The resultant unmarked gas oil is sold illegally as road-use diesel.
The dumping of the diesel wash is linked to cross-border diesel laundering and smuggling. The report says the vast majority is dumped late at night in remote areas, and sometimes in conservation areas, such as recent finds at Concra, near Castleblayney, and
The report says that this year, Monaghan County Council has responded to 18 instances of diesel wash dumping. This is down on 2005, when it dealt with 28 cases, and 2004, when it dealt with 36.
However, while the number of cases has fallen, the quantity has grown. As of November 9 this year, the local authority had dealt with 82,000 litres of dumped diesel wash, compared with 58,000 litres in 2005 and 52,000 litres in 2004.
Customs and Excise has estimated that 1,000 litres of acid wash waste represents about 100,000 litres of laundered fuel. This means six million litres of laundered fuel was produced in the area last year alone.
In addition, the 82,000 litres mentioned does not include diesel wash material found during construction work on the N2 Castleblayney bypass earlier this year. The report says burst containers contaminated the surrounding ground and some surface waters. Some 95 tonnes of diesel wash and contaminated soil were removed for treatment, costing about €100,000. This will initially be borne by GAMA Construction, who won the contract for the road work.
Garden hedge laws needed to stop disputes
NEW laws are needed to stop neighbours rowing over the size of hedges.
A call has been made for legislation to prevent people growing over-sized, "anti-social" garden hedging.
Plan to offer farmers fees to allow access to lands
A PROPOSAL that would see farmers giving limited access to their lands in return for upkeep payments has met with a cautious response from groups campaigning for more access to the countryside.
The Irish Farmers’ Association disclosed yesterday that it had got agreement in principle from Minister for Community and Rural Affairs Eamon Ó Cuiv about a national countryside walkways scheme of some 2,000 kilometres.
As many as 5,000 farmers could be encouraged to create and maintain linear and looped routes through their lands, according to the IFA, which suggested fees of €6 per metre at an overall cost to the State of €12 million-€15 million each year.
The Mountaineering Council of Ireland (MCI) yesterday gave the development a guarded welcome.
According to Helen Lawless, who oversees access and conservation issues, it at least represented an “opening bid†in resolving a long-running impasse.
However, Ms Lawless said that the MCI had yet to learn of any details.
She expressed concern that something as narrow as a linear solution (ie linear paths) was being proposed as it would not answer the national need to open up the countryside.
“Our position is that we have looked for a reasonable level of access in return for responsible behaviour,†she said.
Ms Lawless said that one of the points that is missed is that access is not just an issue for walkers. “It affects every citizen of the State — those who want to take a photo of a sunset at a cliff, or go picnicking or who want to go kayaking, for example. They often have to rely on access through privately owned lands.â€
Jackie Rumley of Keep Ireland Open said that fewer hillwalkers now come to
Mr O Cuiv’s spokesperson said that the payments could be captured under an extension of the Rural Social Scheme.
The long-running stand-off over access has seen confrontations between landowners and walkers, some of which have involved intimidation and threats.
The IFA withdrew from Comhairle the Tuaithe — the forum set up to debate the issue — over the payments issue.
Ferry Plan devised to alleviate traffic congestion
THE car ferry company says it has devised a plan to alleviate traffic congestion in Passage East until it can move its terminal out of the village.
Passage East Car Ferry Company MD Derek Donnelly said they were hoping to arrange a meeting with the district Garda chief, Supt. Dave Sheehan, and representatives of the protestors over the next week about their proposed traffic management plan.
In the meantime, Mr Donnelly said the company was continuing to lobby to secure the go ahead for the proposed access road to the new ferry terminal site it has earmarked about a mile upriver from Passage East.
We have had a very worthwhile meeting with Wexford Co. Manager Eddie Breen and his view is that any interruption of the ferry service would be an economic disaster for south Wexford. He is throwing his full weight behind lobbying the Department of Environment for funding.â€
Mr Donnelly said he was sorry the protests had flared up again and objected to the fact that they were in the form of blockades of the ferry service.
Having said that, I share the common interest of the protest group. We want to get the traffic out of the village as well.
Mr Donnelly said they were willing to fund some of the cost as well as pay for the installation of the slipway but it wouldn be economically viable or practical for them to pay for the entire project as advocated by Cllr. John Carey.
He dismissed Cllr. Careys argument that the road should be funded by the company and its main shareholder FDB Insurances on the basis that its purpose was to serve a private company.
The ferry was a vital part of the regions transport infrastructure and the cars that used their service paid €30m in road tax a year, said Mr Donnelly.
Proposal has to be abandoned after Councillors provided with wrong maps
From Bray People:
A proposal to zone the Burnaby area of the Greystones as existing residential in order to stop unsuitable development had be abandoned after it emerged that the wrong maps had been put on display.
Cllr. Derek Mitchell told members that many people living in the area who had gone to view the maps were either 'pretty confused or cluless' as the wrong area had been mapped. 'These maps were wrong and didn't show the proper proposals. This whole amendment should be thrown out.'
It was agreed to defer this proposal, as the councillors could not vote because the display process had not been adhered to. It will now be considered at a later date.
Another amendment to a previous amendment to stop the creation of land access through existing estates proved to be contentious.
Making a proposal to the original amedment, Cllr. Derek Mitchell called for the reinstation of the zoning for the
The councillor said there had been problems in the town as access to new developments was being created through established housing estates, which was 'terrible for residents. People think they live in a quiet cul de sac.'
Cllr. Tom Fortune asked that the word 'cul de sac' be included in the amendment, as the original amendment was 'too bland'. 'Estates require protection as builders are knocking walls down,' he remarked.
Accepting the planners warnings that this amendment may be too restrictive, Cllr. Kathleen Kelleher commented that she didn't want to 'cut off all avenues'.
Riordan rejects call to restrict access to planning files
A CALL for restricted public access to planning files in Kerry has been strongly rejected by county manager Martin Riordan.
Some councillors, who claim “serial objectors†are putting pressure on council staff by demanding a large number of files at the same time, have called for curbs to be introduced.
Independent Cllr Michael Healy-Rae accused some objectors of going to the planning department with a list of up to 40 files they wished to examine.
However, Mr Riordan said people were legally entitled to see files once the applications were in the public domain.
For that reason, he had no intention of reducing the number of files they could examine.
Mr Riordan also said he was concerned about the use of the term “serial objector†by Mr Healy-Rae which, he added, had serious connotations.
Cllr Healy-Rae called for new rules in the planning department to be “enforced rigorously†on serial objectors.
“When they want to receive anything more than two files, they should have to sign their names and should not be allowed access to anything more than 10 files per day,†the councillor said.
“Some of our serial objectors have, in the past, requested to see over 40 files per visit.