Friday, 30 October 2026

Irish Planning History: Saving Dublin

There is a particular kind of Irish book that is written in a rage and read as a relief, and Frank McDonald's The Destruction of Dublin, which we looked at here last week, was one of them. McDonald himself, looking back in a 2008 Irish Times essay on the 1980s, confessed as much, admitting that he simply could not understand why the city was being treated by developers as a quarry and by road engineers as an inconvenience to traffic. But rage, however well documented, is not a policy, and the more interesting question for anyone who works in planning now is what came after the anger: how a city that one former Lord Mayor, the late Jim Mitchell, had likened to a knacker's yard managed, within a generation, to persuade people that it was a place worth living in again.

McDonald's own answer came four years after the first book, in Saving the City: How to Halt the Destruction of Dublin, published by Tomar in 1989 with, of all things, an introduction by Bob Geldof. The title is worth pausing on, because it marks a shift in register from lament to prescription, from the charge sheet to the to-do list, and that shift was happening not only in one journalist's head but across a whole loose coalition of citizens, students, clerics, senators and, eventually, ministers.

This piece was always going to lean heavily on McDonald, and it is hard to write it without noting that he is no longer here to quarrel with it. He died in September, after a short illness, at the age of 76, and The Irish Times, reporting his death, recalled that he had become the paper's first environment correspondent in 1986 on the back of his investigations into planning failures and dereliction in Dublin. It was a sad day for the city, and for anyone who cares about what becomes of it, whichever side of a planning appeal they happen to sit on.

A weekend in the Synod Hall

If the change of mood has a date, it is the weekend of 7 to 9 February 1986, when the Dublin Crisis Conference filled the old Synod Hall at Christchurch Place. McDonald, writing about it thirty years later, named the organisers as Dean Victor Griffin, Senator David Norris, Larry Dillon, Deirdre Kelly, Mick Rafferty, Donal Storey and himself, a list that tells you something in itself, running as it does from the Dean of St Patrick's to a north inner city community activist. They even got the Taoiseach, Garret FitzGerald, to turn up and respond to their conclusions, the principal one being a demand that the Government and the Dublin local authorities "recognise and accept that the city is in crisis".

It is easy, at this distance, to smile at a demand that amounts to asking officialdom to admit there is a problem, but anyone who has sat through a few council meetings will know that this is usually the hardest step of all. The conference asked for more than an admission, though. It called for the destructive road plans for the inner city to be abandoned, and for tax incentives to encourage people to live in the centre rather than merely to work in it. The papers, the conference report and a later Manifesto for the City survive in the Frank McDonald collection at Dublin City University, alongside a programme cover by Martyn Turner, which is about as Dublin as an archive gets.

The people problem

The real insight of the period, and the one that has aged best, was that buildings were never going to be saved by preservation orders alone. They would be saved, if at all, by people living in them. McDonald credited the late Deirdre Kelly, founder of the Living City Group, with driving this point home, and in his 2015 farewell piece he recalled that in 1986 regional planners saw no hope that the inner city could take even an extra 10,000 people. The idea Kelly pressed was not entirely home-grown. As McDonald noted in a 2018 Irish Times piece on the Leeson Street residents, drawing on the historian Erika Hanna, Kelly had been influenced by Jane Jacobs, whose The Death and Life of Great American Cities had argued in 1961 that city streets live by their mix of uses and the people on them, and who had helped to defeat Robert Moses's plan to drive a road through Washington Square in New York. Catriona Crowe, writing in The Dublin Review after Jacobs died in 2006, recalled first reading the book in the early 1980s in Mountjoy Square, just after one of the last clearances of Georgian tenements on Summerhill and Gardiner Street, which suggests the argument needed very little translation.

The numbers explain their pessimism. On McDonald's figures, the population of the inner city, the oval between the two canals, had fallen from about 250,000 in the mid-1920s to just 75,000 by 1991, so that only one Dubliner in twelve still lived in the historic core. Some of that decline was the welcome result of clearing the tenements and rehousing families in Marino, Crumlin and beyond, and it would be unfair to the public health reformers of the 1930s to pretend otherwise. But by the 1980s the drift had gone well past slum clearance into something closer to abandonment, with the centre treated as an office district ringed by ghettos, to borrow McDonald's own blunt phrase.

Tax, Temple Bar and the accidental village

The State's response was, characteristically, fiscal. Within months of the Synod Hall weekend the Government announced a tax incentive scheme for derelict areas, which, with the Urban Renewal Act 1986, brought the Custom House Docks and stretches of the quays into play. Planners have argued ever since about whether the property-based tax schemes that followed were a masterstroke or a mistake, and the honest answer is probably both: they got cranes moving where nothing else had, and they also produced a fair amount of the shoebox apartment, laid out along artificially lit corridors, that McDonald himself came to regret.

Temple Bar is the most instructive case, partly because it was saved by accident before it was saved by design. CIÉ had spent years from the 1970s quietly buying property between Dame Street and the Liffey for a central bus station, and, as Dublin City Council's archive notes, it let those buildings out cheaply in the meantime, which drew in artists, musicians and small traders who then became the most effective opponents of the bus station. Charles Haughey, never a man to leave a cultural flagship unclaimed, declared in 1987 that he wouldn't let CIÉ near the place. By February 1991 he was telling the Dáil that a new company, Temple Bar Properties, would acquire the CIÉ and Corporation holdings as a flagship project for Dublin's year as European City of Culture, and the Temple Bar Area Renewal and Development Act followed that summer.

What happened next is a lesson every regeneration agency should keep pinned above its desk. The cultural quarter that was meant to rival Covent Garden became, in McDonald's own words, "the temple of bars". None of that cancels out the new squares, the restored streets or the cultural buildings, but it does show how hard it is to plan for the bohemian life that had grown up there precisely because nobody was planning anything at all.

From protest to practice

The 1990s brought a quieter but in some ways more durable kind of saving. Dublin Civic Trust was founded in 1992 to show, by buying and repairing buildings, that old houses could be lived in and made to pay their way. Dublin Corporation, for its part, began to lead by example, and a Trinity College Dublin study of urban conservation in Dublin points to the Corporation's "Living Over the Shop" pilot at Nos. 2 and 3 Capel Street, two eighteenth-century buildings it owned, as the moment the local authority began to take a leadership role in conservation. The same study is a useful corrective to any rosy account of the decade, recording that conservationists were still going to court, and to Europe, over schemes they believed were wrong, and that some felt cooperation alone would never have been enough.

The legal turning point came with the Local Government (Planning and Development) Act 1999, which, as McDonald noted, meant Ireland belatedly adopted preservation laws comparable to the rest of Europe, though without the generous funding that usually goes with them. In the same year, Archer's Garage on Fenian Street, a rare art deco building, was illegally demolished over the June bank holiday weekend and had to be rebuilt more or less in facsimile, which was, whatever one thinks of facsimiles, a sign that the old impunity was ending.

What saving actually meant

The results can be counted. McDonald's figures have the inner city population, including the docklands, rising to more than 130,000 by 2011, and Dame Street, which he remembered as a dark thoroughfare enlivened only by the Olympia, is now lined with restaurants and shops that hardly close. Much of the agenda set in the Synod Hall, from repopulating the centre to recasting the road plans and giving more space to buses, bicycles and people on foot, has become ordinary public policy, so ordinary that younger planners may not realise it was ever heresy.

And yet it would be a strange history of Dublin that ended on a note of triumph. By 2016 McDonald was writing that the city was in crisis again, this time a crisis of homelessness, rents and sprawl rather than dereliction, and wondering aloud whether another Crisis Conference was needed. Aldborough House, the last of the great Georgian mansions, was still rotting on Portland Row when he retired, and the fire regulations that make it so hard to put homes over shops remain, as he put it, a serious impediment.

For a planner, whether acting for a developer or a residents' association, the lesson of the saving years is not that the campaigners were always right or the officials always wrong. It is that cities are saved by people choosing to live in them, by the rules that make that possible, and by the slow, unglamorous work of repairing what is there before reaching for the bulldozer. That argument was made in a church hall forty years ago, and the vacancy and dereliction debates of 2026 suggest it has not quite finished being made.

Further reading

Saving the City: How to Halt the Destruction of Dublin, by Frank McDonald (Tomar, 1989)
The Construction of Dublin, by Frank McDonald (Gandon, 2000)
The evolution of urban conservation in Ireland: evidence from Dublin city, Trinity College Dublin research archive: http://hdl.handle.net/2262/67653
The Frank McDonald collection, Dublin City University Library: https://artsandculture.google.com/story/frank-mcdonald-collection-dublin-city-university-libraries/JQUhSErgYWxr5w?hl=en
The Death and Life of Great American Cities, by Jane Jacobs (Random House, 1961)

Planners Take, 30 October 2026

Every Irish town has one: the house with the buddleia growing out of the gutter, the shopfront whose faded lettering advertises a business that closed before the euro arrived, the upstairs windows that have been dark for so long that nobody on the street can remember them lit. We have had a law to deal with such places since 1990, and a levy on their owners for most of that time, and yet the buildings remain, with a stubbornness that would be admirable if it were not so expensive for everybody else. This week a software engineer, Michael Gannon, did something that the State has been promising to do for years, which is to put the derelict sites registers kept by local authorities together in one place, on a website that lists more than 2,700 properties around the country.

The numbers he draws from that exercise are worth pausing over. By his estimate, these properties could be worth something over €500 million if they were developed for housing, and their owners owe in the region of €49.5 million in unpaid derelict sites levies. In 64 cases, he reckons, the owner owes more than the property is worth. One does not have to accept every valuation to see the shape of the problem. The levy, at 7 per cent of market value a year, was meant to make holding a derelict building more costly than doing something with it. In practice, it has too often been a bill that was issued, or not issued, and then quietly left to accumulate.

The Government's response, being carried through the Finance Act, is to hand collection of the levy to the Revenue Commissioners. From January, local authorities will be legally obliged to keep a derelict sites list and to send it to Revenue, and owners will have until the middle of 2028 to settle what they owe. A national digital register, with maps and standard details for each property, is to be published annually. It is hard to read this as anything other than a polite expression of frustration with councils, and it is a reasonable one, but it is only half the story.

Anyone who has worked in a planning department knows why derelict sites registers are patchy. Entering a property on the register is a legal process, with notices, objections and the possibility of challenge, and it falls to small teams who are also dealing with unauthorised development, vacant site levies and the ordinary daily traffic of complaints. Ownership is frequently tangled in probate, in family disagreement, or in companies that exist mainly on paper. Collection was harder still, because a council chasing a local owner for a levy is a council chasing a ratepayer and a voter. Moving collection to Revenue removes some of that awkwardness, but it does not remove the need for a council to identify, inspect and formally list the property in the first place, and the new regime will only be as complete as the registers that feed it.

There is also a fair point to be made on the other side. Not every owner of a derelict building is a speculator sitting on a windfall. Some are elderly people who inherited a property they cannot afford to repair; some are waiting on a planning permission, a fire certificate or a builder who never arrives. The State has been more generous here than it is sometimes given credit for: the vacant property refurbishment grant offers up to €70,000 to bring a single property back into use, and investors converting space over shops can now receive up to €135,000. A tougher levy makes sense precisely because the carrot is already on the table.

For planners, the lesson is that dereliction is a land management problem before it is a design problem. A public register is a useful thing in itself, because it lets communities, councillors and would-be buyers see what is sitting idle, and visibility has a way of concentrating minds. But the real test will come in 2028, when we see whether the levies are actually paid, whether properties change hands, and whether the dark windows on our main streets begin, one by one, to light up again. If they do not, the next step will have to be a more confident use of compulsory purchase, and a willingness by local authorities to take on buildings themselves rather than simply recording their decline.

Irish Town Planner Planning News Roundup, 30 October 2026

Here is today's round-up of town planning news from around Ireland, covering a High Court order reviving a 300-home Fermoy scheme, a large Land Development Agency land purchase in Dublin 15 and Meath, 124 apartments approved on appeal at Dunboyne, a new national website of derelict properties, 34 homes for Ballyhaise and a fresh DAA application at Dublin Airport.

High Court quashes refusal of 300-home Fermoy scheme

The High Court has quashed, with the consent of both sides, An Coimisiún Pleanála's September 2025 refusal of permission to Cumnor Construction Limited for 242 houses, 94 apartments and duplexes and a crèche on an 11.75-hectare site at Coolcarron, about 1km from Fermoy, Co Cork. The scheme, lodged as a strategic housing development in April 2022, had been refused because it did not provide the playing pitches required by the local area plan. The application has now been reactivated on the Commission's website, with a fresh decision due by late February 2027.

Source, Irish Examiner, 29 October 2026: https://www.irishexaminer.com/business/companies/arid-41930553.html

LDA buys land for about 3,000 homes at Kilmartin and Calliaghwee

The Land Development Agency has acquired 108.5 hectares of greenfield land at Kilmartin, Dublin 15, and Calliaghwee, Co Meath, with about 85.7 hectares in Fingal and 22.8 hectares in Meath, close to bus services and the Dunboyne commuter rail line. Initial studies suggest the lands could accommodate around 3,000 homes along with commercial space and community amenities. The agency notes that any development will be subject to rezoning, masterplanning, infrastructure provision, environmental assessment and statutory planning approval.

Source, Land Development Agency, 29 October 2026: https://lda.ie/news/land-3000-new-homes

124 apartments granted on appeal at Dunboyne North

An Coimisiún Pleanála has granted permission, subject to five revised conditions, to Marina Quarter Ltd, a Glenveagh Homes subsidiary, for 124 apartments in three four- and five-storey blocks at Bennetstown, south of the M3 Parkway rail station in Dunboyne North, Co Meath. The scheme replaces 76 apartments previously permitted there, and Meath County Council's grant in July had been appealed by neighbours who raised overshadowing, privacy and infrastructure concerns while saying they did not oppose new housing. The Commission's decision is dated 22 October.

Source, Irish Independent, 30 October 2026: https://www.independent.ie/county/meath/an-coimisiun-pleanala-grants-green-light-for-124-apartments-in-meath-following-appeal/a/163441734.html

New website lists 2,700 derelict properties

A new website, derelictproperties.ie, built by software engineer Michael Gannon from local authority derelict sites registers, lists more than 2,700 properties, which he estimates could be worth over €500 million if developed for housing and whose owners owe about €49.5 million in levies. From January, councils will be legally required to keep a derelict sites list and send it to the Revenue Commissioners, who will take over collection of the 7 per cent annual levy, with owners given until mid-2028 to pay arrears. The Government also plans to publish an annual national digital register of derelict sites.

Source, The Irish Times, 30 October 2026: https://www.irishtimes.com/ireland/housing-planning/2026/10/30/new-derelict-buildings-website-lists-2700-residential-properties-countrywide/

34 homes approved at Ballyhaise, Co Cavan

Cavan County Council has granted permission, subject to 25 conditions, to Woodfort Homes Ltd for a €10 million development of 34 homes on a four-acre site at Townparks, Ballyhaise, accessed from Oakwood Lane off the R212. The scheme comprises 21 two-bedroom homes, 12 three-bedroom homes and one four-bedroom home, with 75 car parking spaces. Separate applications for 61 homes at Latt and 36 at Creighan, on the outskirts of Cavan town, were lodged last week.

Source, Irish Independent, 30 October 2026: https://www.independent.ie/county/cavan/cavans-building-boom-continues-apace-as-dublin-construction-firm-given-green-light-for-multi-million-euro-housing-development/a/163778330.html

DAA seeks changes to Dublin Airport US pre-clearance upgrade

DAA has lodged a new planning application to amend the upgrade of the US Customs and Border Protection pre-clearance facility at Dublin Airport that An Coimisiún Pleanála approved in May 2025, including an additional storey. Its consultants say constraints emerged from stakeholder engagement, updated passenger modelling and revised US requirements, and that the changes are not intended to facilitate passenger growth but to provide more queuing and waiting space, easier way-finding and more commercial areas.

Source, The Irish Times, 29 October 2026: https://www.irishtimes.com/business/2026/10/29/daa-returns-to-planners-with-upgrade-to-agreed-us-pre-clearance-area-revamp/

Thursday, 29 October 2026

Planners Take, 29 October 2026

There is a particular kind of Irish policy that arrives with a fanfare and then waits, like a guest at a wedding who has been seated at the wrong table, for somebody to notice it. The planning exemption for modular homes in back gardens may be turning into one of them. When councillors in Tipperary asked this month how the new rules were being received, a senior planner told them that the council had received eleven notifications in all, and that not one commencement notice had yet followed. In a county of Tipperary's size, eleven is not so much a trickle as a rumour.

It is worth recalling what the exemption actually offers, because the detail matters more than the headline. A homeowner may place a standalone unit of up to 45 square metres in the back garden of their principal residence without seeking permission, provided they notify the council in advance and lodge a commencement notice. The unit can house a family member or a long-term tenant, but it cannot be sold off separately or let to tourists. It is, in other words, a carefully fenced concession, designed to let an ageing parent live close by or to give an adult child a door of their own, without opening the gate to a back-garden property market.

The temptation is to read the Tipperary figure as proof that the idea has failed, and some will. That would be premature. The rules only came in over the summer, households do not commission a second dwelling on a whim, and the costs of a well-built unit, together with connections to water and drainage, are not trivial for a family already carrying a mortgage. Building regulations still apply in full, as the council was careful to point out, and that alone gives pause to people who imagined something closer to a garden shed with a kettle.

There is also a quieter difficulty, which the same meeting brought into the open. The exemption does not reach back in time. Anyone who installed a modular unit before the rules changed is still, in the language of the planning code, unauthorised, and must seek retention permission even if the unit would now satisfy every condition. One councillor feared that people might treat the exemption as a free-for-all, skip the notification and leave themselves open to warning letters or enforcement; there is a related risk that households who acted in good faith before the rules arrived find themselves in the enforcement queue while their neighbours proceed lawfully under a notification form.

None of this is a reason to abandon the measure. For councils, a modest uptake carries modest administrative burden, and a light-touch route for genuine family housing is a reasonable thing for the State to offer. For communities wary of piecemeal backland building, the size limit, the ban on separate sale and the principal-residence test are real protections rather than decoration. And for housing delivery, the honest answer is that garden units were never going to move the national figures much; the same week brought Cabinet approval for a bill allowing Home Building Finance Ireland to lend to smaller builders for zoned land before permission, a reminder that the larger levers lie elsewhere.

What the Tipperary figure does suggest is that an exemption is only as useful as the public's understanding of it. Clear guidance from councils, a straightforward path for those caught on the wrong side of the start date, and some patience before anyone declares victory or defeat would serve applicants and neighbours alike. Eleven households have taken the first step. It would be no bad thing to find out, in a year's time, how many of them got to the end.

Irish Town Planner Planning News Roundup, 29 October 2026

Here is today's round-up of town planning news from around Ireland, covering 91 new homes for central Bray, a refused oral hearing on the large housing appeal beside Cú Chulainn's Castle in Dundalk, a hotel permission for Rosslare Harbour, a slow start for garden modular homes in Tipperary, three townhouses to replace a derelict Nenagh pub and Cabinet approval for State land finance for smaller builders.

91 homes approved off Vevay Road, Bray

Wicklow County Council has granted conditional permission to Lisava Ventures Limited for 91 homes on 1.56 hectares of former Pembroke Estate land between Vevay Road, Church Road and Churchlands Road in Bray, following a further information request. The scheme comprises 42 apartments in a four- and five-storey block, 28 duplexes and 21 three-storey houses, with 120 car parking spaces, almost 3,000 sq m of public open space and works to a protected stone boundary wall on Church Road. The decision, dated 21 October, was made despite concerns raised over the loss of trees on the site.

Source, Irish Independent, 29 October 2026: https://www.independent.ie/county/wicklow/green-light-for-91-home-development-in-the-heart-of-north-wicklow-despite-concerns-over-loss-of-trees/a/163512105.html

No oral hearing for Dundalk housing appeal beside Cú Chulainn's Castle

An Coimisiún Pleanála has refused a request from the Save Cú Chulainn's Castle group for an oral hearing into appeals against Grandspect Limited's large-scale residential development of more than 1,000 homes on about 96 acres at Castletown Road, Dundalk, which Louth County Council granted in July. The appeals, lodged by ten parties including local councillors, An Taisce and the County Louth Archaeological and Historical Society, raise concerns about the setting of the monument, archaeology and landscape. The case will now be decided on the written submissions, with the Commission previously indicating a decision date of 1 December.

Source, Irish Independent, 28 October 2026: https://www.independent.ie/county/louth/oral-hearing-denied-as-appeal-continues-for-objectors-to-housing-plan-near-cu-chulainns-castle/a/163664757.html

Hotel use approved for former Great Southern in Rosslare Harbour

An Coimisiún Pleanála has upheld Wexford County Council's permission for alterations to the former Great Southern Hotel in Rosslare Harbour, including roof repairs and an increase from 102 to 107 rooms, on condition that it is used as a hotel. Ceann Comhairle Verona Murphy had appealed, arguing that the implemented nursing home permission meant a return to hotel use needed a new application, but the inspector found hotel use acceptable in principle under the settlement plan. The inspector raised concerns that kitchen pods on each floor made the layout more akin to a hostel, and recommended a condition tying the permission to hotel use; the owner says full works will begin in 2027.

Source, Irish Independent, 28 October 2026: https://www.independent.ie/county/wexford/planning-authority-grants-permission-for-new-hotel-in-rosslare-harbour-as-developer-confirms-full-development-works-will-commence-in-2027/a/163523637.html

Only 11 garden modular home notifications in Tipperary

Tipperary County Council has received just 11 notifications from homeowners intending to install a modular home of up to 45 sq m in their back garden under the planning exemption introduced over the summer, and no commencement notices have yet been lodged. The units may house family members or long-term tenants but cannot be sold separately or used for short-term letting, and the council must be notified before works begin. A senior planner told councillors that the exemption does not regularise units already installed, which would need retention permission.

Source, Irish Independent, 29 October 2026: https://www.independent.ie/county/tipperary/just-11-tipperary-homeowners-notify-council-of-plans-for-modular-homes-under-new-rules/a/162968346.html

Derelict Nenagh pub to make way for three townhouses

Tipperary County Council has decided to grant permission, subject to 12 conditions, for the demolition of the derelict former Malthouse pub at 7 and 8 McDonagh Street, Nenagh, and its replacement with three two-storey terraced houses. The site originally held three terraced houses, and the design was revised to lower the buildings on Rossa Place and keep a shopfront appearance on McDonagh Street; the applicant said rising construction costs made three homes the only viable option. The decision, issued on 22 October, remains open to appeal.

Source, Tipperary Live, 28 October 2026: https://www.tipperarylive.ie/news/nenagh/tipperary-pub-to-be-demolished-as-permission-is-granted-for-three-new-houses-9315828

Cabinet approves bill on State finance for zoned land

Following reports earlier in the week, the Tánaiste and Minister for Finance, Simon Harris, has secured Cabinet approval to draft the Home Building Finance Ireland (Amendment) Bill 2026. The bill would allow HBFI to lend for the purchase of residentially zoned land before planning permission is secured, a gap the Department of Finance says weighs particularly on smaller builders who lack the equity to buy and advance several sites at once.

Source, gov.ie (Department of Finance), 28 October 2026: https://www.gov.ie/en/department-of-finance/press-releases/t%C3%A1naiste-simon-harris-moves-to-unlock-finance-for-small-builders-to-purchase-zoned-land/

Wednesday, 28 October 2026

Data Centres in Ireland: A Debate That Deserves Better

A personal discussion piece by Brendan Buck. It is not the opinion of BPS Planning.

I am a town planner, and if a developer or a community asked me to act for them on a data centre I would do so, and do it properly for either. My interest here is narrower than that. I would like the argument, when it is had, to be had fairly: without jibes, without insults and without misinformation from either side.

A word about Brexit

It is a peculiar feature of Irish public life that a planning dispute can go from the technical to the tribal in about a week. The latest turn came on 24 October, when The Journal reported on an interview with Ronan Kelly, chief executive of the lobby group Digital Infrastructure Ireland. Those who stop data centres, he suggested, resemble the crowds who cheered the Brexit vote. The opposition, he said, is fuelled by disinformation that has blown across from American politics. The AI industry, he told the paper, is like water: it will always find its way, and if Ireland's grid is the obstacle, it will simply flow to the next country.

There is something in this, and it deserves to be said first. Investment does move, and it moves quickly. Mr Kelly also concedes that his own sector has been too secretive and is preparing materials to explain itself to the communities beside which it builds. He says that 107 Irish data centres already use closed-loop cooling, which, if true, bears directly on the water question. It is his figure, and it would be worth having it tested independently.

The difficulty lies in the other claim. The Journal's report offers no evidence that foreign money is stirring up Irish objectors, and it records that some 300 people had objected to the Kilmeaden proposal a year earlier, which is hard to put down to a rumour from Virginia. A Brexit comparison is a handy thing to reach for, since it tells the audience what to think of people before it has heard a word they say. It does not help the industry, and it does nothing for the people who will live next door to its buildings.

What the larger argument is about

The debate here is not happening in a vacuum. It sits inside a much bigger argument about technology, power and who gets to decide, and Naomi Klein and Astra Taylor's work on what they call end times fascism, which I have read in detail, is one contribution to it. Their Guardian essay of September 2026 is adapted from their book of the same name. It is concerned with American politics and the tech billionaires. It does not mention Ireland, it touches on data centres only in passing, including the people who have defended their air and water against the sprawling ones, and it nowhere suggests that someone who supports a data centre is an extremist. Nobody should say so on its behalf.

What I take from it is a question that supporters and objectors can both ask, which is who gets the benefit and who is left with the bill. I want a better world, and in my book that means one in which people have a real say in what is built beside them, and in which the gains and the costs of progress are shared fairly.

The case for

The supporters have a real case, and it should be heard in full. The Government says that firms operating data centres here employ about 21,000 people directly, within an ICT sector of more than 180,000. Local authorities benefit as well. The Journal has estimated that councils collect around €62.5 million a year in commercial rates from data centres, about a fifth of South Dublin's rates income. The Maynooth geographer Patrick Bresnihan warned in the same piece that a deepening dependence on that money is risky, which is a fair thing to say and not an argument against the jobs.

Nor is it all bad news on the ground. In Tallaght, waste heat from an Amazon Web Services data centre now warms public buildings and a university, with affordable apartments to follow, through a not-for-profit utility owned by the council. The council estimates it saves more than 1,500 tonnes of carbon a year. Well designed, a nuisance can be turned into an asset.

The case against

Those who object have specific complaints, and the first is about the grid, where the figures are stark. The CSO says that data centres used 23 per cent of the country's metered electricity in 2025, up from 5 per cent in 2015. The SEAI, in Energy in Ireland 2026, puts the figure at 22.5 per cent and attributes 78 per cent of the net rise in electricity demand since 2015 to them, while recording that the European Commission puts data centres at roughly 3 per cent of demand across the Union. EirGrid says the greater Dublin region is now fully constrained for new connections, that the headroom is largely gone, and that a further six gigawatts of interest would double the peak on the system. One does not need an engineering degree to see why a householder, looking at a small island grid and a large industrial customer, begins to wonder about the bill.

Then there is what it feels like on the ground. Kildare County Council voted in September, by 22 to 11 with seven abstentions, against reviewing land zoned exclusively for data centres at Naas. Cllr Bill Clear, who had backed the zoning in 2021, said he had since learned that data centres were not all they were cracked up to be, having visited a site in Clondalkin where the noise and the smell had shocked him. Residents spoke of noise, air pollution and water.

In Kilmeaden, outside Waterford, more than 500 people objected to a campus covering more than a square kilometre. RTÉ reported three large ICT buildings, 16 gas turbines, and more than 300 people taking part in a slow-drive protest. The council refused permission earlier this month, citing traffic and the pressure on water and electricity. The developers had said that the scheme met regulatory guidelines and involved community consultation, and nothing in the reports suggests otherwise. But compliance is a low bar when you are a village of some 300 people being told, as one resident put it, to prepare for ten years of construction.

And in Killala, in Mayo, the council granted permission for a €1.5 billion scheme which An Coimisiún Pleanála then overturned on appeal, saying that the applicant had not shown consistency with the Climate Action Plan and had produced no evidence of a renewable power purchase agreement. The Irish Times found mixed feelings: relief in some quarters, and in another a Fine Gael councillor frustrated after more than seven years of work. One resident complained that developers put these things up "without explaining anything to the local people". That sentence could stand as a summary of most planning rows in the history of the State.

Elsewhere

None of this is peculiarly Irish. In Virginia, the Prince William Digital Gateway, a plan for 23 million square feet of data centres, ended in July after the courts found that the county had failed to follow its own public notice rules in rezoning the land. Whatever one thinks of the project, it died of a procedural failure, which is the most avoidable way for anything to die. In Tucson, the council rejected Project Blue unanimously in 2025, one member observing that giant corporations prefer to operate in the shadows. And across the 13 American states served by the PJM grid, the independent market monitor says data centres accounted for $6.3 billion of the $16.4 billion in the latest capacity auction charges, costs that find their way onto bills.

There are places that have found a middle road. Amsterdam paused new data centres in 2019 and then restarted growth in designated clusters, with caps on power and space. Singapore lifted its pause in 2022 but promised to be more selective in future.

What we have, and what we lack

Ireland is not starting from nothing, though it can sometimes look that way. The Government's 2022 statement on data centres still stands, and the regulator's December 2025 connection policy requires new data centres to bring matching generation or storage and to meet at least 80 per cent of their annual demand from additional Irish renewables. The same notice says that the regulator would prefer a State-led approach, with spatial planning and development targets. In January the Government published its Large Energy User Action Plan, a "plan-led" approach built around green energy parks beside renewable supply.

Last week, however, a Minister told the Dáil that none of the plan's 17 actions is yet complete. The plan names no sites, and the National Planning Statement that would set the criteria is promised only "before the end of this year". Nor does the plan prevent projects being proposed elsewhere. As far as can be found, there are no national planning guidelines dedicated to data centres, which leaves councils and An Coimisiún Pleanála to decide, case by case, what a plan ought to have settled beforehand. It is an old Irish habit to build the thing first and the policy afterwards.

A fair fight

There are two sides to this argument, and both are honest. The supporters see jobs, investment and the digital infrastructure that a modern economy needs. The objectors see a grid, a water supply and a landscape being committed to a single industry without their say. Neither side is helped by calling the other a conspiracy, a mob or a lobby.

The answer is not a ban, and it is not a free-for-all. It is what we have been slow to supply in so many areas, a system. That means national guidelines on siting, scale, noise, water and emissions, in place before the next application and not after it. It means development plans that say plainly where large energy users may go, tied to grid and renewable capacity, so that zoning land means what it says. It means binding standards on water use and heat reuse, with Tallaght as the benchmark. It means community benefit agreed at the start and not offered as an afterthought, and it means independent, published monitoring of power, water and noise once a facility is running.

With clear rules, developers get certainty, communities get a fair hearing, and the decisions can be argued on the facts. People rarely fight what they trust to have been well planned.

Further reading

Planners Take, 28 October 2026

There is a particular kind of planning rule that exists mainly on paper. Since 2019, anyone letting a home for short stays in a rent pressure zone has generally needed planning permission to do so. Seven years on, the Department of Housing's own figures say that only about 1.3 per cent of short-term lets have ever applied. That is not a regulatory regime; it is an honour system that most of the people it covers have chosen to ignore. The Government's Short-Term Letting and Tourism Bill is meant to change that, but one feature of it risks turning seven years of non-compliance into a qualification.

The broad shape of the proposal is sensible. Planning permission for short-term letting would be restricted in 25 areas with populations of more than 20,000, including Dublin, Cork and Limerick. A national register, run by Fáilte Ireland, would require hosts to sign up from 1 December, which for the first time would give councils a reliable picture of where these lets actually are. Anyone who has tried to run an enforcement case on a short-term let knows that the hardest part is often proving the use exists at all; a register goes a long way towards fixing that.

The difficulty lies in the draft national planning statement that sits alongside the Bill. For short-term lets that have been operating for seven years, regardless of where they are, it proposes a presumption in favour of granting permission, provided the property has been in continuous short-term use and has not been the subject of enforcement action. Hosts in areas with fewer than 20,000 people would also have two years to apply.

Seven years is not an arbitrary number to a planner. It echoes the period after which, under our existing law, a council generally loses the ability to bring enforcement proceedings against unauthorised development. Read in that light, the presumption looks less like a loophole and more like an attempt to be consistent with a principle that already runs through the system: after a certain time, the State accepts that the moment for enforcement has passed. There is also a fairness argument. Councils did not have the information or the resources to pursue these uses, and some operators will have invested in good faith on the strength of that inaction.

But the comparison does not hold up well. The seven-year enforcement limit was designed to give certainty about physical development, not to reward a commercial use that was unlawful from the first night it operated and that has a direct, measurable effect on housing supply. The condition that no enforcement action has been taken is close to meaningless when enforcement has been so thin on the ground. Threshold has put the point plainly: permission has always been a legal requirement, and those who operated outside it should not be rewarded with longer transition periods. Sinn Féin has gone further, arguing that the restrictions would be among the weakest anywhere in Europe or the United States.

The stakes are not trivial. Analysis by the Housing Agency, cited in the planning statement, suggests that almost 17,000 properties are being used entirely for short-term letting in areas of high housing demand, and that somewhere between 5,500 and 9,500 could return to long-term use. In a year when councils, the Department and the industry are arguing over every possible lever to increase supply, that is a significant number of homes that already exist, are already serviced and need no new planning permission to be lived in.

My own view is that the register and the restriction in the larger urban areas should be welcomed and brought in without delay. The presumption for long-standing lets, however, should be dropped or narrowed sharply, perhaps limited to lets in areas where there is no evidence of housing pressure. Seven years of non-compliance should be treated as a problem to be solved, not as a track record.